Political+Resolution+of+CPI+19th+All-India+Congress,+abridged

=Communist Party of India=

Political Resolution Adopted at the 19th Party Congress
The 19th Congress of the Communist Party of India meets in a political situation which is essentially different from the one that prevailed only a year back. There has been a momentous change in the political scene.
 * I**

This was mainly due to the people’s desire to put on end to the communal politics of the NDA regime which caused revulsion among the vast majority of our secular minded people and a feeling of insecurity and apprehension among minorities, coupled with the mounting anger of different sections of the toiling masses against the anti-people economic and other policies of the NDA government.

The result was that the BJP and its NDA allies were voted out of power. The country was saved from advancing along the road to a fascistic order.

A secular majority was elected to Parliament, so that a secular coalition government could come to power, led by the Congress which got the largest number of seats, though only a little more than a half of what is required for a majority. Money-Power, muscle power, rigging and mafia influenced the results here and there. But taken together, it was the political maturity of the voters that prevailed.

Left Parties emerged with the largest representation so far in parliament. This enabled the Left not only to act as a unifying and motivating factor in the formation of a secular government, but also to ensure it has a stable majority and a credible progressive programme. Initially our view was that the entire Left should join the government. However, the Left parties together decided to stay out of the government and support it from outside. This arrangement today enables the Left to keep a vigilant eye over the functioning of the government.

The people’s vote has brought about not only a change of government, but also the possibility of a change of direction. The political tactics pursued since the Chennai and Thiruvananthapuram Party Congress had borne fruit. The defeat of the BJP/NDA government, the installation of a secular government, the increase in Left representation, and the formulation of the Common Minimum Programme vindicates the political and tactical line of the CPI. Today the background is vastly different from the earlier congress at Chennai and Trivandrum. We have now opportunities to forge ahead.

The Common Minimum Programme (CMP) drawn up with the active participation of the Left reflects the change of direction of policy. The CMP reflects the common measure of agreement on the urgent immediate needs and problems of the country and its people, and indicates the way by which the country is to come out of the communal alienation and the economic and social disaster brought about by the NDA regime. At the same time it shows the way to overcome the international isolation of our country from the developing world to which the previous government had led it. The CMP is a political and practical document, setting forth the tasks of this government. It forms the basis of the Left’s support to the government. As long as the UPA Government implements the CMP and take scare of its priorities, so long it will continue to enjoy the Left’s support and positive cooperation. Any departure from it is bound to result in conflicts. The formation of the UPA government, the Left support to it and the formulation of the CMP constitute a tactical response to the prevailing situation.

As a supporting party the need arose for coordination with the government. To serve this purpose a UPA-Left Coordination Committee has been set up. By keeping out of the Government and yet supporting it from outside and with the UPA-Left Coordination Committee in place, the Left is in an unique position where it can openly spell out its concerns, voice its distinct opinion on policies and keep a vigilant eye on the general performance of the government. At the same time it can mobilise the masses against all deviations, and for enforcing its implementation. This is an unusual and unique situation, which provides opportunity for the Left.

If whatever the Left is voicing has to become effective, there has to be mass backing, a people’s movement on specific issues. It is not a dormant mass that will ensure the implementation of the CMP or guarantee the stability of the UPA-Government. It is people’s active involvement that alone will overcome all obstacles, opposition, hesitation, or attempts at sabotage from reaction and vested interests both from within and without the UPA. Coordination between the UPA and the Left is necessary but is not enough in itself. Mass mobilization and mass intervention are essential. Implementation of the CMP can give a certain measure of relief to the suffering masses. Such a movement led by the Left has necessarily to demarcate itself from the movements launched by the BJP-led opposition whose sole aim is to defame and destabilize the government.

The verdict of the Indian voters conveys the message that basic agricultural development and necessities like food, shelter, drinking water, power, education for all children, access to health services and security of life are the priority areas that have to be tackled. It is the task of the Party to make these felt needs into real demands backed by mass movement.

The focus of discussion and action by the Left has to be on these issues. They have to concentrate mainly on issues concerning agriculture and rural development which are the keys to India’s democratic advance. Issues such as distribution of all ceiling land and government waste-land among the landless, completing all pending irrigations projects, water harvesting and provision of drinking water, watershed programming, providing easy credit to kisans, remunerative prices for their produce and arrangements for state purchase, subsidised ration for BPL families and expansion of PDS so as to keep prices under control, comprehensive law for agricultural workers, national employment guarantee act which undertakes public works and provides work to the unemployed, extension of primary education and health centres, encouragement and protection of all traditional and employment generating industries in the rural areas, etc. – these should be in the forefront of the Left’s agenda. At the same time the Left must defend all trade union rights won through struggles and sacrifices, including the right to strike.

The Left should appear as a positive factor for India’s development, even while opposing moves which are meant to serve the interests of foreign and domestic monopolies to the detriment of our economy. Propaganda deliberately spread by the bourgeoisie, as if the Left is an obstacle to growth and development must be dispelled. The Left stands for India as a prosperous, developed country, with a resurgent agriculture and vibrant economy which generates jobs, and where social justice prevails.

The UPA government is a bourgeois government. The Left support to it is a specific response to the existing situation. The aim and tendency of the government is to pursue the neo-liberal policies which are primarily aimed at creating a “Free Market” economy, an unrestricted capitalist economy. Repeated statements by the leading party of the coalition, viz. the Congress about going ahead with ‘economic reforms’, upholding policies of liberalisation, privatisation (disinvestment) and globalisation point in that direction. Their allies in the UPA acquiesce with these policies. This is their economic outlook and policy. They are at present somewhat restrained and hampered in this, firstly due to the opposition from the Left; secondly, due to a certain degree of popular resistance; and thirdly, due to the defeat that overtook the BJP/NDA regime which brazenly pursued these policies. This has made the Congress a bit wary and cautious, and speak about ‘reforms with a human face’. This is the basis of the contradiction in the situation.
 * II**
 * The Character of the UPA Government and the Congress**

Congress leaders have not fully learnt a lesson from the defeat of the previous Narsimha Rao-Manmohan Singh Government. Nor have they learnt fully from the collapse of the Vajpayee government. Indeed, the pressures from the IMF, World Bank and WTO have increased though the present world order and the Indian political set-up curbs their efforts to some extent.

The UPA Government is amenable to pressure from both sides in the coalition set-up. Its policies are the result of both yielding to and resisting International Finance Capital. It depends upon the Left’s strength to drive it in the direction that the Left wants to in the given situation. Therefore this is a transitional period. Much depends upon the Left’s ability to influence its policies and practices on the one side, and on the other side the capacity of the Congress to consolidate its own position even while working within the coalition framework.

After touching the lowest depth in the terms of number of seats in Parliament in three elections, the Congress has accepted the inevitability of both pre-poll and post-poll coalitions with other secular forces. Its attitude towards the two Communist Parties however remains one of trying to marginalize them as much as possible.

The pre-poll alliances with regional parties in some states enabled it to improve its seats. But in states where the Congress alone had to fight with the BJP or the Left, its poll performance was dismal. Even so, most of its second-rung and state leaders continue to think that they can come to power on their own strength and hesitate to have any adjustment with other secular parties. At the Centre, while accepting the inevitability of a coalition to share power, many of its leaders and ministers do not accept the ‘coalition dharma’ of consulting other partners and the supporting parties. Their mindsets remain tied to the old understanding and style of work. They function unilaterally and pursue their own policies. All this is contributing to the rise of conflicts and contradictions.

In states like West Bengal where the Left is strong, the Congress has not hesitated to enter into opportunist alliance with the ‘Trinamool Congress’ – an ally of the BJP, in panchayats, and municipal bodies, with a view to counter the Left. Similarly in Kerala, they entered into clandestine arrangements with RSS/BJP elements.

As the leader of the coalition the Congress today feels that it is on an upcoming trail. It has come to think that it can dictate terms to other parties who are influential in those states. This too is giving rise to unwarranted tension among secular forces and parties.

It is this attitude of the Congress which led to its ignoring the other partners of the UPA as well as the Left, while sharing out seats and putting up candidates for the assembly polls in Bihar and Jharkhand. The strength of the BJP and its NDA ally viz, the JD(U) was underestimated, and the results were disastrous, for the secular parties, the Left and the Congress. In Jharkhand the BJP has been able to return to power, and Bihar has to undergo a period of Presidents rule. Our Party’s electoral tactics in Bihar and Jharkhand also need to be reviewed.

III
The NDA led by the BJP pursued a thoroughly anti-people economic policy, combined with its aggressive communalism, and its brazen arrogance while carrying out these policies. It rode roughshod over the common people and completely ignored the rural mass. The Gujarat genocide in 2002 carried out with satanic furry by the BJP/VHP, which took the toll of more than 2000 people, destroyed houses and shops belonging to Muslims, exposed the ugly face of its communal agenda. The BJP’s communal propaganda and practices was its weapon to divide the people and carry through its economic programme of serving the interests of monopoly capital and other vested interests. There is a link between communalism and reactionary political, economic and social policies. To fight effectively against BJP’s communalism we have also to expose its links with reactionary policies, its disregard for the unemployed, the farmers, the workers and so on. Its sham pretence of patriotism and nationalism can be rubbished by exposing the anti-national character of all its policies. People cannot be inspired to fight communalism only through lectures on the virtues and necessity of secularism. This should be closely combined with economic, social and cultural issues, as pursued in a communally surcharged atmosphere.
 * The BJP and its Allies: The Struggle against it:**

In the Parliamentary and the state assembly elections held thereafter, the BJP has been beaten but not broken. Its cadres are frustrated and demoralized. Its leadership circles are plagued with squabbles. Gone is the boastful claim that it is a disciplined party, - a party with a difference. But it would be a blunder to underestimate its strength and its potential to stir up divisive and communal tension. It has large presence in parliament and in several state assemblies. It rules in four states. Apart from this it has made deep ideological and physical inroads in vital organs of the state and civil society. To meet the new situation and rally its cadres, it has once again made Advani its President by carrying out a coup at the top. Under him the BJP has been latching itself on to any issue that comes its way, building it up into a confrontation with the government and paralyzing parliament on several occasions. It gives every issue a communal twist and tries to whip up a communal frenzy. The most vile instance was the haste with which BJP leaders jumped into the fray when distorted and mischievous census figures were published, intended to show that the muslim population had suddenly jumped up. They loudly cried that at this growth rate muslims would soon outnumber the Hindus in India! The recent criminal case launched against the Kanchi Shankaracharya is another glaring example.

Abandoning all vestiges of respect for law, the entire Sangh Parivar came out on the streets virtually challenging the applicability of criminal law on religious leaders, and demanding that the Kanchi Seer be set free. The demand boils down to the view that Hindu religious leaders should be regarded, as above the law and to arrest any of them constitutes an attack on Hindu religion.

The BJP has now openly gone back to its old aggressive Hindutva, talking about Hindu ethos and culture. Even God has been dragged in, with Advani claiming that his Party is the ‘chosen instrument of Divinity for protecting the Hindus’.

Vajpayee’s laboured attempt to equate this ‘Hindutva’ with ‘Bharatiyata’ is only to camouflage its ugly essence, its real face. The Sangh Parivar would act at the ground level, while at the top Vajpayee will dress it up as the embodiment of ‘Bharatiyata’ and ‘cultural nationalism’!

‘Hinduism’ and ‘Hindutva’ are two entirely different concepts. Hinduism is a religion which more than 82% of our people belong to while Hindutva is politics – the politics of a group, a party, of the Sangh Parivar and its constituents who have political aims up their sleeve. Its aggressive communal character, its fundamentalism of hate and hostility towards other religions, its quick attempt at picking up any issue that comes up and of giving it a communal twist, its complete abandon of any moral values or ethics, its fascist aims and objectives have to be recognised. It is the core of the Sangh Parivar’s fascist ideology, its driving force, its cutting edge. There is nothing religious about it.

The overwhelming majority of our people are secular-minded. That is the biggest guarantor of our secular polity. The rise of Hindu fundamentalism in certain section in the name of Hindutva has given rice to Muslim fundamentalism in some sections. The one fuels the other, and both tear the fabric of secularism in the country. Both have to be countered.

The allies of the BJP are now in a quandary. They were battered even worse than the BJP in the last election. Not all of them were communal in outlook, nor do they accept the BJP’s commitment to Hindutva. But opportunism and the greed for a share of power drew them towards the BJP at the time. They satisfied their flexible conscience by having a so-called National Democratic Agenda of Governance, though the partners of the BJP in the Sangh Parivar were free to continue in their way.
 * BJP’s Allies:**

In course of time, even this veil was torn asunder. The NDA remained nothing more than a signboard while the BJP virtually took over. Today with the opposition BJP’s strident advocacy of Hindutva, and with Vajpayee competing with Advani in advocating it, and standing up for Narendra Modi, the allies do not know which way to turn. For the time being, BJP leaders are not worried about their allies except to keep them as props in the coming assembly elections. They are more concerned about rallying their own frustrated and mutually quarrelling cadres. The allies have little options left. However, political wisdom demands that all of them should not be considered as lost forever. In the rapid twists and turns of politics, one or the other may break out sooner or later of the bondage to the BJP, and range itself against the BJP and the Sangh Parivar. The break-up of the NDA would be a major development in Indian politics.

The Sangh Parivar has picked on the Communist Parties as their special targets. It attributes the hands of the Communists behind every happening. It has launched a virulent campaign against the Communists, resorting to all sorts of lies and provocations. It has declared its intention to take on ‘Marxism’ in an ideological fight.
 * The Sangh Parivar’s All-out Attack Against Communists:**

Behind this anti-Communist campaign is the realization that the Communists and Left are the most consistent and relentless fighters against the Sangh Parivar’s ideology of communal fascism, its demagogy on religion and Hindutva, its reactionary politics of serving the interests of the landlords and monopolists and its alliance with imperialists and reaction all over the world. It considers that the Left is the most formidable obstacle in realizing its ambitions.

The CPI and the Left have to return the compliment of the RSS by stepping up their attack on the Sangh Parivar in the ideological, political, social, cultural, economic and other fields. Ideological guards cannot and should not be let down. This battle can be missed only at the Left’s peril.

The economic policy of the BJP/NDA government was one of complete subordination to the neo-liberal policy of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. It pursued this with total commitment and zeal in the garb of carrying through ‘economic reforms’. This philosophy fought for no restrictions on capital, and on dismantling government control over resources and on doing business. It stood for free flow of capital across borders with no tariffs, unfettered foreign investments, deregulation, privatisation of state – owned enterprises, tax concessions to big business and so forth. This was enthusiastically hailed by Big Business at home and abroad. It is customary with the Sangh Parivar to talk in two and more tongues and thus fill both the ruling and opposition space. They set up at the same time a ‘Swadeshi Jagaran Manch’ which voiced opposition to these policies. The BJP Government ignored the protest from the ‘Manch’. Profit-making PSUs were sold for a song and disinvestment of every Blue-Chip undertaking was very much in the air. They did not even hesitate to sell off water sources and biodiversity. While old public assets were disposed off, hardly any new assets were being created. Neo-liberal theories about the glories of ‘Free Market’ economy had their enthusiastic converts among economists, journalists, business circles and political associates during the BJP regime. Employees were sent out through VRS, closures, retrenchments, down sizing and so on. Unemployment soared to new heights.
 * V**
 * Economic Policies: BJP: Congress: Their Effect**

The opposition Congress generally acquiesced with most of these policies, under the influence of the very same philosophy, of which it was the initiator. But being in the opposition there were occasional ‘feeble noises’ about the BJP-NDA rulers not doing it the ‘right way’.

The Left alone put up a stiff resistance. They were branded as ‘out of date’ fellows, ‘conservatives’ who have not learnt to ‘move with the times’.

In this economic regime, agriculture and the kisans, traditional industries and self-employed artisans especially in the rural areas, were grossly neglected even though an overwhelming 69% of India’s population depends on agriculture for sustenance. The states’ investment in agriculture sharply declined. With it, the share of agriculture in total Gross Capital Formation (GCF) also sharply declined. The share of irrigation in total plan outlays came down to a mere 6.77% in the Tenth Plan, and much of the funds allocated went to major and medium irrigation while minor irrigation schemes were not taken up.

Affluent and well-to-do farmers and also government agencies resorted to irrigating their fields through tube wells and wells, in an unplanned way, which resulted in fall in the water-table and depletion of subterranean water resources. Conjunctive use of surface water and ground water is the correct alternative. Droughts took over in many regions with uncertain monsoons, and the rate of growth in agriculture became negative. Only in the last year of BJP rule, a very good monsoon led to a high growth rate, particularly in the background of no growth in the previous year. This was torn out of context and tom-tomed as a great achievement of the BJP government.

Lack of proper government purchase to assure fair price for local produce and reduction of subsidies for agriculture, while opening doors to subsidised imports from abroad led to heavy distress and indebtedness of farmers and consequent suicide deaths of thousands.

Small and traditional industries were also treated in a similar cavalier fashion, and self-employed artisans were left to their fate.

Experience shows that there is a strong link between the lack of road connectivity and poverty in India. 40% of rural habitations are not connected to all weather roads. The BJP regime forgot this and only went in for the grandiloquent ‘golden quadrilateral’ scheme.

Internally, these policies served the interests of monopoly capital, bureaucrats, a section of the upper middle class, whose affluence created among them an attitude of ‘rank consumerism’. The gulf between the top layers, - 10 to 20 percent of India’s population, and the rest 80 to 90 percent grew wide. The BJP saw only the top, and launched their ‘India Shining’ propaganda blitz, never knowing the misery affecting the broad masses below.

Externally, This was reflected in India’s foreign policy, its subservience to American Imperialist moves, and downgrading the Non-Aligned Movement.

The Indian voter incensed by these policies and their effect on their livelihood just as much as by the BJP’s communalism, handed out a defeat to the BJP and its allies. One can see the opposite of this in the case of Left Front governments.

The new UPA government which has come to power after the polls, had to work out a Common Minimum Programme, which strengthens the country’s secular polity, and would undo some of the mess left behind by the previous regime, correct the distortions and change the priorities of development. As long as the UPA government implements the CMP and works within its framework, it will continue to have the full support and cooperation of the CPI. There shall be no comfort provided to the BJP by any conflict between the UPA and the Left. But while stressing and ensuring the implementation of the CMP as the immediate task in the present situation, there is need to go ahead with the campaign for a more far reaching Left Democratic Alterative both in the economic and political spheres, so as to lay the ground for advance in the coming period. The CMP is not a Left programme. The change in direction does not seek to alter the socio-economic system in any way. There are quite a few gray areas in the CMP which can be interpreted and utilized by the champions of neo-liberalism. Even without that they are at their jobs. On the other hand there are numerous provisions which are of benefit to the people. Thus the fight for the implementation of the CMP is an arena of mass struggle, of class struggle, for bringing relief to the masses and for advancing along a democratic path of development, by even going beyond the parameters of the CMP. It is a struggle for strengthening the country’s sovereignty and independence in conducting its domestic and foreign affairs.
 * VI**
 * The Common Minimum Programme: Its Character**

While speaking about India’s economy ruling circles draw attention to the figures about foreign exchange reserves, extent of FDI and FII that have poured in, the point which the Sensex mark has reached and so on. Foreign exchange reserves have crossed $123 billion; Sensex have long since crossed the 6000 point; FII will have reached 8 billion dollars by the end of 2004; exports have risen by 24 per cent, though imports have grown at a bigger pace; G.D.P is expected to grow at 5.8 per cent (lower than what was expected); inflation has soared to nearly 7.5 to 8 per cent mainly due to oil prices. But these figures do not give the real picture about how our people live. Official spokesmen continue to speak about ‘economic fundamentals’, claiming they are sound and healthy. But one must also speak about the ‘human fundamentals’, which happen to be grim and gloomy.
 * VII**
 * India’s Economy: The Reality**

In India, 260.3 million people are still below the official poverty line. The unofficial figure is quite higher. These millions go to bed hungry every day. They do not have sufficient income to meet their daily food requirement. Having food stocks or producing more foodgrains will not mitigate their misery. They need work, jobs that would put money in their pockets, with which to buy food on their plates.

This is not the full extent of poverty in the country. In the first place, the criteria determining the poverty line is itself faulty. There are an equal number of people who are supposed to have risen above the poverty line, but only just above it! They are to be counted among the poor.

There is talk of India having achieved self-sufficiency in food. That is misleading. With more purchasing power in the hands of these people, and higher per capita consumption of cereals and livestock products, food availability will fall short. Agricultural growth rate has therefore to accelerate a good deal more, if ‘food security’ for the people is to be assured.

Actually there has been a decline in the annual growth rates of both food and non-food crops over the last two decades. Almost in all countries, agriculture is subsidised. This is more so in developed countries than in a developing country like India. The OECD countries (i.e. the 24 developed countries taken together) spent a huge $327 billion on agricultural subsidies in 2001. For a commodity like rice, the support is 80 per cent of the gross price in the OECD countries. In the USA alone, the average subsidy per farmer was 30,655 dollar. In all, an amount of 97.3 billion dollar or Rs. 4,18,400 crores was paid as subsidy. This was well over the total value of all farm products in India taken together. Recently, the Bush Administration further hiked the subsidy by as much as 80 per cent over the next few years. This has resulted in a further downward push in the prices in the international markets. And yet, pressure is being brought in the WTO on India for reducing the meagre (by these standards) subsidy that is paid to agriculture, while the developed world firmly resists doing so in their own countries, and demands a quid pro quo for even reducing it a bit. Naturally, our farm products face a devastating competition in our own domestic market.

Both public and private investment in agriculture as a percentage of GDP has come down from 2.2 per cent in the beginning of the nineties, to less than 1.4 at the end, and has declined further thereafter.

Agricultural rate of growth has naturally declined, and became even negative in the year 2002-2003.The failure of monsoons made it acute.

Agricultural workers have access to wage employment only for 137 days each year and the average non-agricultural employment in rural India is 152 days. There is a strong co-relation between poverty, wage labour and feminization of the rural wageworker. The average wage employment for female is about 15 per cent lower than for males in agricultural and 18 per cent less in the non-agricultural employment in rural India. The average wage employment in the countryside is only for 160 days a year. Women are the worst sufferers during drought, flood or any natural calamity. Lack of ‘food security’, health security, poverty and unemployment hit them the most.

These facts emphasise over again the need for prompt and effective implementation of the ‘Food For Work’ scheme, and for passing the ‘National Employment Guarantee Act’ and the comprehensive Legislation for Agricultural Labour, which find place in the CMP. In implementing these, the female section of the population must have their proper share.

Half the rural population in the country is illiterate. About 40 per cent has extremely low incomes. Only 8 per cent of rural incomes is spent on health and basic education. No more than 43 per cent of the households have domestic lighting. Only 25 per cent have access to tap water and a shocking 15 per cent has access to private toilets. A mere 33 per cent has the wherewithal to access even the public distribution system, where it exists.

The incidence of diseases and ill health, with such grinding poverty is truly alarming. Four mothers out of every thousand die during pregnancy, and 67 out of every thousand newborn babies do not survive birth. Lack of basic medical facility and primary childcare, totally inadequate maternity care are responsible for this sorry state of affairs. The Primary Health Centres haves been ruined. The mass of poor, especially the rural poor are thus deprived of any easy access to health care. Private hospitals and nursing homes are proliferating, while government and municipal hospitals are in bad shape.

The Union and state governments together spent only 3.7 per cent of GDP on education, and 1.01 per cent on health in 2001-02 and went below 1 per cent in 2002-2003. Commercialisation of education and health services have made them totally inaccessible to the mass of our people. The target that has been fixed in the CMP is to raise expenditure on education to 6 per cent of GDP and on health to 2 to 3 per cent.

The issuing of the Patent (Third Amendment) Ordinance, which will be replaced by an Act in the next session of Parliament, in the name of meeting the WTO obligations (but actually going much beyond it), will enable the MNCs to take advantage, and considerably raise the prices of drugs and pharmaceuticals, seeds and plants. It harms our national interests. The Left Parties have vigorously opposed it, and intend to oppose the Bill in Parliament, unless suitable amendments are carried out. Likewise, the ‘Seed Bill’ introduced in Parliament favours the traders of spurious seed, instead of protecting the farmers. It requires change.

Unemployment is the single major factor in India’s poverty and distress. The measure of its extent can be seen from the report and study conducted by official bodies some time back. The composite incidence of unemployment and under-employment as captured by the current daily status basis, stood at nearly 9 per cent of the labour force and at almost 13 per cent for the youths. On the basis of past trends, it was projected the composite measure of unemployment is likely to rise to an average of 11 per cent by the end of the Tenth Plan and 15 to 16 per cent for the youth.
 * VIII**
 * Unemployment, the Single Big Factor**

Rural employment which was stagnant for a while, is now declining. The share of the farm sector in total employment has reduced from 60 per cent to 57 per cent. Employment growth in public sector and government departments has sharply fallen, what with VRS, retrenchment, down-sizing and so on. Private Sector has failed to compensate this job loss. While employment in the public sector has gone down by 0.9 per cent during the period 1991-92 and 2000, employment in the private sector has improved by 0.1 per cent. Public sector undertakings had off-loaded 20 per cent of the manpower during this period. Quite clearly, ‘economic reforms’ have meant loss of jobs, increasing income inequality, and consequent aggravation of poverty at one pole.

There is a link between growing unemployment, and increase in the incidence of child labour in many sectors. The more the unemployment, the more is the utilization of child labour. This is a matter that requires to be addressed from several ends.

Jobless growth is the new mantra of the liberalisers and globalisers. They hold out no hopes in the present, leaving it to the ‘trickle down’ theory to promise a better day ‘in the long run’, i.e. in the remote future!

Small-scale sector is a significant source of employment generation. Government policies aimed against this sector as well as the self-employed have seriously affected employment, and brought distress among the large mass of artisans.

It is admitted that “the trend of a slow down in employment growth and increase in the incidence of unemployment is of greater concern, especially if one considers the backward regions, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, other weaker sections of the population including women, as also the youth and the educated”.

There is lot of interest shown on ‘outsourcing’. This can only provide casual jobs to a few lakhs who have special qualifications. It is not a substitute for general employment growth in the country. It should be noted that ‘outsourcing’ is one way of allowing MNCs to make super-profits by transferring some jobs to lower-paid areas. It is export of ‘jobs-from high-paid areas to low-paid areas.

The effect of Globalisation has been bad not only for India, but in most countries the world over. Not only has it not touched the fringes of the problems affecting the poor, it has led to greater disparity in incomes, and an aggravation of poverty. The Human Development Report 2002 of the United Nations says that 2.8 billion people lived on less than $2 a day, with 1.2 billion eking out a marginal existence at $1 a day. On the other side, the assets of the top three billionaires are more than the combined GDP of all the least developed countries and their 600 million people.

The Human Development report has assessed that India occupies the 124th place in the global comity of nations. This is a stark reminder of the low level of various human indices in India.

Globalisation is a phenomenon that cannot be warded off. However steps can and should be taken to prevent the ill effects of imperialist globalisation. This is an attempt by imperialist and developed countries to economically dominate the developing countries and also at the cost of their own working class. A government that has the interests of the people at heart has to take appropriate measures for this purpose. There should be attempts to reach bilateral and zonal agreements on trade, commerce and other spheres of economic development. For instance by strengthening SAARC, building good relation with ASEAN and so on.

A welcome sign is the growing worldwide movement against globalisation,— a movement that has brought millions out on the streets. Rallying together people of different ideologies, from all continents, they have spoken out against the evil of imperialist globalisation, and against the inevitability of what that brings to the people. Out of their life experience they have come up with the optimistic idea: Another world is possible! We have to align ourselves with this idea, and try to give it a clearer perspective,— a scientific basis, with our Marxist world view. Imperialist-driven globalisation benefits the few, against the many, who are cast aside, marginalized. It is aggravating disparities between people, and between countries. With each day, it is sowing the seeds of tension and conflicts, which may burst out in acute form in the future.

Unemployment and inequality has grown in all regions of the world during this period. It shows that the present much-vaunted ‘capitalist order’ is incapable of solving people’s basic problems.

There are many social movements, which are being carried on without any initiative from the Party or any of its mass organisations. Some of these social movements take up immediate issues connected with the people, such as drinking water, slum development, rehabilitation of displaced persons, shelter, sanitation and health and so on. Some others are movements that are meant to raise the anti-feudal and democratic consciousness of the common people, such as against superstition, obscurantism, immoral practices, etc. Some are engaged in the campaign against globalisation and its manifestations. Communists should support such social movements, and help the people who are conducting them. They contribute towards the mobilization of the masses and raising their general awareness.
 * XIII**
 * Social Movements**

Besides, there are many groups of people engaged in literary and cultural fields, in campaigns for secularism, and peace, against globalisation, etc. Communists should participate in them. An attitude of ‘stand aloofism’ is not correct. The World Social Forum, and its national and state-level forums are just such a social movement.

Alongside these social movements, we have also the activities of NGOs. NGOs are of many types. Some are genuine, working for a particular cause, or specialising on a definite issue. They are useful for the development of the general democratic movement. But there are other NGOs. The source of their funds, and how they are utilized is a mystery. Some of them receive large funds from abroad, spend lavishly and are accountable to no authority here. Their links abroad are unknown. These are the majority. Our activists should not get involved with such NGOs. Their general approach is to blunt the class struggle, and denigrate the mass organisation.

The activities of these NGOs are to draw away activists and sections of people from the people’s movement and from the activities of Party and mass organisations. They objectively weaken the anti-imperialist movement. In no case should we allow NGOs, whatever their character to utilize our Party activists, and interfere with our work of building the people’s movement and organising mass struggles.

Party activities, mass actions are decided and organized through party branches or fractions, through the relevant committees of the Party and mass organisations. It is not individual party members who can decide to associate with a NGO group and take any decision about what is to be done.

The path of capitalist development followed since Independence has vastly expanded the middle class in India. This is a collection of several segments, and is not homogenous. The policy of liberalisation has led to a lot of stratification among them. Disparities within them have also grown. There is a top layer of the upper middle class, relatively affluent, with an orientation towards the west, defenders of ‘economic reforms’, ‘consumerist’ in taste and habits. But the over whelming mass of the middle class is being crushed under the juggernaut of ‘economic reforms’, their security of life and job very uncertain, caught in the pincer of high prices and high taxes. This is the mass of lower middle class who are discontented with the existing order, and seek a change. There is a healthy and progressive section of intellectuals who lend a voice to the lower and middle classes.
 * The Middle Class and its Role:**

The great Indian Middle class, both by its position in society and its relatively higher educational level and access to all sections, plays a significant role in opinion formation among the people. The Party of workers and peasants cannot afford to ignore it. Constant efforts have to be made to interact with it, develop multifarious activities among them, and involve them in ideological propaganda and agitational work, literary and cultural work etc. They can help the Party immensely by their contribution in all the above fields.

It was at the initiative of the CPI that the Progressive Writers’ Association (PWA) came to be formed in 1936, and the Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA) in 1943. Most eminent writers, poets, cultural personalities, well-known actors, dancers, singers came to be associated with these two organisations. The prestige which they earned and the wonderful work that they did has survived even though for some time the organisations themselves were not functioning well. Their legacy is always with us.
 * XIV**
 * Importance of Cultural and Literary Work:**

The functioning of the two organisations has been revived to some extent some time back. But this has taken place spontaneously and perfunctorily. Generally, this is on the initiative of a group of comrades. The Party as such has not taken initiative in the matter. The tremendous role that these organisations can play in raising the cultural level and consciousness of our people, in upholding the secular-democratic as against the communal-fascist outlook, in mobilizing the masses against corruption, the fall in moral values, criminalisation in politics, as also their capacity to portray the life and conditions of our people, and the struggle that they are fighting to transform them, is limitless. This is not realized by the entire Party at all levels. Even simple singing squads in a few places prove their value in meetings and conferences. Some states and districts are paying attention to them. But many are as yet doing nothing in this highly important cultural field.

There is no co-relation of the party’s strength and influence in the states and the strength of our cultural work in the states. Our cultural activities are better in some Hindi-speaking states, such as in M.P., Chhattisgarh, U.P., though the Party is weak. In some states, regular journals are also brought out by the PWA, or the IPTA. But in some states, the cultural movement continues to be weak.

It is highly imperative to give up this attitude of indifference and neglect. The central and state leaderships of the Party should take up the work of inviting cultural figures and those who have aptitude in that field to set up the IPTA and the PWA, and create drama groups and singing squads, etc. At the Central and state levels, a few comrades should be assigned to these specific squads, and they should be helped. A few steps have been taken at the central level. But organized effort remains to be made.

Ideological problems arising from issues like linguistic and ethnic differences and sectional movements, to dalit literature, regional diversities, women’s movement are being raised in the cultural sphere. Progressive writers are doing some work in these matters. The cultural department of the Party has to try and help solve these problems.

It is generally through their mass organisation, that sections of the class and the mass voice their demands and grievances, and resort to action whenever necessary. This is their first organisation which draws them into the movement, and teaches them how to struggle for themselves and for others. The first sparks of social and class consciousness are lighted in them through the activities of their mass organisation. It is here they come to recognise their collective strength.
 * XV**
 * Mass Organisations**

The Party’s strength in any locality is derived from the mass organisations that its members lead and run in that region. Its mobilizing capacity comes from the Party’s political line and its influence, and from the mass organisations through which it is linked with the masses. One cannot think of a political base of the Party, without a network of party units and units of the mass organisations. One cannot think of setting up election machinery in any constituency without existing units of mass organisations and party units, around which supporters will gravitate and help in the campaign.

A major weakness that persists in our work is the neglect of our mass organisations, from an attitude of indifference towards building and running the mass organisations. There is lack of Marxist understanding about the role of class and mass organisations. It is through they mass organisations that the Party builds close links with the various sections of the classes and masses. It is through them that it can lead them to struggle, and mobilise them for action.

Such organisations do not come up on their own, spontaneously as it were. It is true, spontaneity is the beginning of organisation. But what is necessary is for the Party, for its cadres and activists to consciously go out and draw the sections of masses into their respective organisations.

Occasional rallies and programmes are no substitutes for stable organisation – with mass membership, organisational units set up from below, and functioning committees to oversee and guide and coordinate their work according to the directive of their district, state or all India Committee.

Party members belonging to a branch, have to work in one or the other mass organisation, unless he/she is specifically assigned to some other work. Under the jurisdiction of a Party branch, there have to be different units of mass organisations.

Trade Unions (AITUC and Others): The most important mass organisations are the trade unions. Besides the AITUC, there are many other trade unions/federations which are led by Party members or in which they occupy leading positions. The AITUC, and the other unions/federations have deservedly earned prestige as front-line initiators of militant and united struggles. They have consistently stood for trade union unity, for joint action and united struggles, on workers’ rights and their legitimate demands. The NDA regime, on the plea of labour reforms had planned to amend labour laws so as to allow employers to ‘hire and fire’ workers and also ‘enter and exit’ firms as and when they deem it necessary. The CMP of the UPA Government has tried to close this route. But there are voices within the government and without who would still like to do it. Under the bourgeois legal system, the Supreme Court has delivered a judgement taking away the workers’ “Right to Strike”. This has of course not prevented, and cannot prevent the workers from going on strike, when they are left with no other options. The AITUC and trade unions led by us, along with other Central Trade Unions are firmly defending the workers from all attacks and conspiracies to deprive them of their rights and hard-won- facilities. The government must be forced to recognise this ‘right to strike’. It follows from the right to organize.

The biggest weakness in the trade union movement remains, that, after all these decades no significant progress has been made in the task of bringing the overwhelming mass of unorganised workers into the fold of organisation. Out of a total workforce of 400 million the organized section is only 8 per cent i.e. only about 30 million workers are considered to be in the organized sector. Even in services and industrial sectors, together employing 160 million, more than 130 million is either self-employed or in the unorganised sector. The rest are agricultural labour. Here and there we have scattered unions among some sections of the unorganised, such as, bidi workers, construction workers, anganwadi employees. But this only touches the fringe. The rural worker remains virtually untouched, with the Bharatiya Khet Mazdoor Union (BKMU) organising a small part.
 * Organising the Unorganised:**

The problems of the unorganised are tremendous. They include the issue of minimum wages, social security, unemployment and so on. The CMP talks of a comprehensive law for agricultural workers, and a social security law for the unorganised. But as yet there are no moves in that direction. It is only when the hitherto unorganised get organized and fight their battle can they get these laws on the statute book. It is the duty of the organized workers to extend a helping hand in organising the unorganised workers. This consciousness has to be drilled into them. This is no philanthropy nor favour on their part. It is a class duty. With more and more organized workers being pushed into the ranks of the unorganised sections (including as contract workers), it is in their interest to bring these sections under the umbrella of organisation. They should allot cadres and funds for this task.

The work and progress of the existing unions/federations should henceforth be assessed on the basis of this important additional criterion, viz. how many unorganised workers they have helped to unionise.

Party committees at district and state levels have to monitor this in their areas, and help by allotting cadres.

Party members, branches and committees have to build close links with the masses. ‘Always with the masses, and always for the masses’ has to be their motto. To forget this is to get ossified and commit blunders, and get alienated from the masses. It is very important to regularly educate politically the activists of mass organisation, and enroll them in proper time into the Party. Party membership in mass organisation must steadily increase.
 * Link with the masses:**

The big question before us is: Does the Party’s strength measure up to the political responsibilities that it has to face?
 * XVI**
 * Party**

The Party’s mobilising capacity is good. This has been demonstrated time and again, - both at the central and state levels. The latest example was the month-long ‘Bharat Jan Jagran Yatra’, when 6 party squads launched from 6 corners of the vast country passed through hundreds of villages and towns and converged on a fixed date and time in Delhi. They carried the Party’s message to hundreds of thousands of people. The entire party rose to the occasion and tremendous capacity planning and coordination was displayed.

But this does not indicate that the Party is strong and functioning everywhere! Actually there are vast tracts of India, where no Party Unit exists or are very weak. This is especially so in the sprawling Hindi belt and the Western States. It is clear that the Party cannot act decisively on a national plane when such is the situation. One can take very good decisions, pass correct political resolutions, and give fine slogans. But unless Party organisations exist and have live contacts with the masses, they will remain only on paper. This ultimately gives rise to the habit of non-implementation of decisions taken.

The Party’s representation in elected bodies and cooperative sector is unsatisfactory, which is a sign of its weakness of political mass base. One should look not only at the state legislatures and parliament, but at the panchayats, Zilla parishads and municipal bodies, which reflect each Party’s strength at the grass-root level. There is a wrong trend of hankering for seats in state legislatures and parliaments, and ignoring the need for contesting and winning seats in gram panchayats, panchayat samitis, Zilla parishads and municipal wards. The latter in fact lays the foundation for the Party’s strength and consolidates its links with the masses. Starting from the state leaderships, district and local committees of the Party must therefore pay more attention to these local self-government bodies, and to the cooperative sector.

The Party has to be strengthened, by expanding it in the Hindi belt and the western states. The National Executive has to work out a plan, allot cadres and funds for this purpose. A conference of leading comrades from these states should be convened to discuss the appropriate steps.

There is a quantity – driven motivation in Party recruitment and setting up new units. There is nothing wrong in this. In a country of such vast size and varied people, the Party would like to reach out to as many areas and habitations as possible. While doing so, there has to be a quality-driven motivation also.

The Party’s militant revolutionary traditions and legacy must always be uppermost in the minds of our comrades. The call of the 18th Congress for ‘Rectification and Reactivisation of Party Ranks’ should be kept in mind. The two processes should go together. In this the role of the district committees is pivotal.

The overwhelming proportion of our Party members come from the workers, agricultural labours, poor and middle peasants, and from the middle classes. This is a healthy composition. It has also been seen that the quality of our cadres and leaders is better than those of other Parties. We are proud to be communists.

However, the ideological level of the Party ranks is far from satisfactory. There is urgent need to raise this level. To this end, Party literature in different languages has to be more systematically brought out and sold among our comrades. The various party publishing houses have to reorganize their programme of publications and coordinate their work regularly.

Party journals have to expand, increase their circulation and quality. Selling party journals, enrolling subscribers contributing to them is a task which should be regularly undertaken.

The system of Party Schools has to be revived, and a syllabus which lays stress on Marxist-Leninist ideology and its application to the concrete conditions, history and culture of our country has to be prepared.

A serious problem that is urgently posed before the Party, is one of continuity of Party leadership and its change/renewal. This is essential for further advance of the movement. It requires a conscious effort for preparing a second rank of leaders, who will be equipped and ready to assume or participate in the leadership at the state and Central levels, at the proper time. Young comrades have to be prepared for this task. What is required for such replacement and renewal is political maturity, experience of the movement, organisational aptitude, acceptability within the Party, adherence to communist values and some public image. The Party has not squarely faced this till now. It can no longer be left to chance or compulsion of the moment. While activising the mass organisations and building united movement of the Left the Party should always member its independent role. The Party has to become the Party of the youth, those to whom the future belongs. It must fight for class, caste, gender, minorities, dalits, tribals, the deprived. It must be active at all times.
 * Continuity and Change:**

Left unity has to be the pivot of any attempt at building a Left and democratic alternative based on an alternative programme. The consensus among the Left parties on the basic parameters of an alternate socio-economic programme and their leading role in conducting struggles will attract the centrist forces to join this alternative. For the Left to play its role effectively, Left unity has to be further consolidated and as far as possible extended.
 * XVII**
 * Left Unity, Communist Unity**

Consolidated and unified Left will remain weak and unstable without Communist Unity. The two are complementary. The role played by the CPI and CPI (M) in defeating the communal forces in the elections and in evolving a Common Minimum Programme, has generated new enthusiasm among the sympathisers and supporters of the Communist movement. There is an earnest desire among them and also among a large section of people for the reunification of the Communist movement on a principled basis.

The Political Resolution adopted by the 17th Congress of our Party has addressed the question of Communist Unity as under:

“This means that the issue of Communist Unity has acquired an urgency and new content in the coming days. In recent years there has been growing close cooperation especially between the CPI and the CPI (M). They share common views on political and other issues. Unification has become desirable and possible, but it cannot be posed unilaterally”.

There is today more of less similarity of views on national and international situation and the political tactical line flowing from this situation. Events have shown the correctness of the line pursued by our Party during these years on the above questions. There are however differences on certain ideological and programmatic issues between the CPI and the CPI(M). The differences are not static. They can be discussed and narrowed down. In the process the ideological level of the Communist ranks has to be raised.

The issue of Communist unity cannot be looked at as if one party is pleading with the other for unity. It is a political necessity for facing the challenges of the time and the changing reality that face the Indian Communists. There are a number of other parties and groups that call themselves Communist. Some among them are following the path of armed struggle. A few have abjured that path, but continue to be hostile to the two main communist parties. Many among them are hostile to the Left Front governments, which rule in two or three states, after winning victories in elections. The tactics cannot advance the cause of India’s advance and the objective of the Indian Communist Movement. They need to be changed. It is necessary to correctly understand and apply the science of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete situation and specific characteristics of India. Unity of the Communist Movement is possible only through ideological clarity, programmatic commonality, and similarity of political line and tactics.

Above all, to go forward towards that objective the CPI has to become stronger, ideologically firmer, politically more active, and with broader mass base.

The Party’s perspective is towards a Left Democratic Alternative. The party will continue its support to the UPA Government. This is a political necessity in the present situation. Support to the Government is on the basis of implementation of the Common Minimum Programme. The Government should implement the programme. The Party, the Left and the mass organisations shall build up pressure through mass struggles and movements to ensure this. However, this is a transitional phase arising from the prevailing situation. How long such transitional stages will last depends on the developing situation. The Congress is making moves to build on its leadership of the UPA. It is trying hard to consolidate and expand its space, even at the expense of its allies in the UPA. It wants to corner the Communist Parties and marginalize them as far as possible. For this, it is even willing to take the help of hostile parties. A large section of Congress leaders are thinking of bouncing back to power on their own, and ending their dependence on the Left for support, so as to be free to pursue their economic policies.
 * XVIII**
 * Towards a Left Democratic Alternative:**

The Party, while keeping the BJP out and relentlessly combating its communal and reactionary policies, will strive to check the above tendencies of the Congress while it continues to support the UPA led by it. It will strengthen the Left and will strive to draw the centrist forces. It will oppose any move to the right. It will keep in view the need for a leftward shift and to go forward to a Left and Democratic Alternative. Its aim is to end the bourgeois monopoly of power at the Centre. For this it is essential to bring about a change in the co-relation of class forces. It means the CPI has to strengthen itself and consolidate Left Unity. CPI has to expand, especially so in the Hindi belt and in the Western states.

To sum up: The Party will relentlessly fight the BJP and other communal elements with the help of all secular forces. It must play its independent role, take independent initiative on issues and movements among sections of people.
 * XIX**
 * Summing Up**

It supports the UPA government based on implementation of the CMP. It will determine its attitude to any other transitional stage, depending on the developing situation. It should adopt a positive approach towards regional parties and groups, while criticizing their narrow, sectarian stands on issues. Mass struggles and people’s movements organized by the Party and mass organisations independently, as well as jointly with others are the keys to democratic advance.

It will build pressure for implementation of the CMP, and for going beyond it for an alternative path of development.

Building mass and class organisations is a priority task for the Party, so as to strengthen links with the masses and leading their struggles and movements.

The Party must be strengthened, and expanded especially in the Hindi belt and western states. Young people should be drawn into the Party.

The Party should pay special attention to improve its social composition by increasing membership among dalits, tribals, OBC, minorities and women.

The Party must step up the campaign against imperialism, for peace, for a policy of non-alignment in international affairs, and for good neighbourly relations with bordering countries.


 * Towards a Left and Democratic Alternative!**


 * For a shift to the Left in India’s politics and economics!**


 * For an end to the bourgeois monopoly of power!**


 * From: http://www.cpindia.org/html/body_documents.html**

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