Bogged+down,+bogus+traditions,+stale+ideas,+Sipho+Seepe,+B+Day



=**Bogged down in bogus traditions and stale ideas**=

Sipho Seepe, Business Day, Johannesburg, 14 November 2007
It would seem that Cyril Ramaphosa, a former secretary-general of the African National Congress (ANC), is oblivious to the most basic traditions of the party.

He seems to have no clue that when you are nominated to stand for a position by members of the ANC, you can’t say no.

Evidently irritated by this ignorance, President Thabo Mbeki didn’t miss the opportunity to provide a few lessons about the traditions of the ANC. Addressing the SABC during his state visit to Namibia, he retorted: “If, in the nominations process, the membership of the ANC says: ‘We want Thabo Mbeki to continue to be president of the ANC’, you can’t say no…. I’m saying it’s within the culture and traditions of the ANC.”

Mbeki seems to be reinventing tradition to suit himself. Recently, in The Weekender, Rehana Rossouw hit the nail on the head: “But what tradition is Mbeki talking about? The ANC has metamorphosed several times since its inception in 1912. Traditionally, it was a party of the educated middle classes. Now it has thousands of members and some leaders with working-class roots. Traditionally, its leadership was male — and black, until its 1985 conference, when Joe Slovo was elected to its national executive committee.”

Also, Rossouw observes that “there are thousands of ANC members who would have preferred Mandela to serve another term as ANC president, but he said he wanted to retire and was allowed to do so”.

Following his nomination, Ramaphosa has indicated that he is unavailable for as long as Mbeki is in the race. Three possible explanations can be advanced for this.

First, Ramaphosa lacks the political courage. In the past, riding the crest of a wave, he was outsmarted by Mbeki. Now, he possibly sees himself as a compromise candidate, and, as such, would want to win without a contest. Second, he is eyeing the presidency of the country rather than that of the ANC. In this, he would require Mbeki’s endorsement should the latter beat Jacob Zuma next month. Third, Ramaphosa understands the politics of desperation. Those who have access to state power will not hesitate to deal harshly with those they consider political threats. He is still recovering from being implicated in a manufactured plot to oust Mbeki.

Obviously irked by the media attention being given to Zuma and Tokyo Sexwale, Mbeki is quick to remind us that the ANC would reject leaders who sought political positions by campaigning publicly.

It does not take much to realise that Mbeki’s interventions are self-serving. Power is addictive. Few leaders voluntarily relinquish positions of power. They will therefore advance all sorts of arguments why they should continue to cling to power.

Given the experience in Africa, it comes as no surprise that rating agencies and foreign investors have expressed discomfort with Mbeki’s seeking a third term as ANC president. We have repeatedly been told that the ANC does not run short of leaders. Why have these tried and tested leaders gone underground?

Mbeki has called for open engagement on matters that are of importance to the country. Public engagement has a few advantages. It provides society and candidates with a platform to engage each other on the challenges facing the country. Mbeki’s preferred tradition shields him from an open challenge. For someone who is purported to be intellectually superior, Mbeki is surprisingly consistent in avoiding an open intellectual and political challenge. Indeed, only those who are afraid to be exposed would prefer a world of intrigue and subterfuge.

The appeal to so-called tradition is an act of desperation when one considers that Mbeki has been at the forefront of the modernising of the ANC. To this end, the ANC speaks of organisational renewal and the need to adapt to radical changes in the domestic and global environment.

Mbeki’s discomfort with public campaigns is understandable. Public campaigning would mean having to share public space with the contenders. As president of the ANC and SA, he not only has access to the state machinery but also is consistently publicly profiled. Thus the closed-door approach gives him an advantage over other candidates.

It is unfortunate that interventions from other senior leaders have not enriched the succession debate. The squabble about whether to wear certain T-shirts and to sing particular songs adds nothing to the debate. To blame T-shirts and songs for disunity is clutching at straws. These are symbolic responses to far deeper issues.

The notion, also propounded, that we need a generational change is also weak. There is no evidence to suggest that a particular generation is inherently capable or incapable of appreciating today’s political challenges. What is needed is a change of political culture. We need a culture that is in keeping with constitutional democracy. We need a political culture of tolerance, of public engagement and transparent contestation.

With the elective ANC conference a few weeks away, one would wish for bright ideas and ways out of the impasse. But to expect that new ideas will emerge from the ANC is wishful thinking.


 * Prof Seepe is head of the Graduate Institute of Management & Technology and president of the South African Institute of Race Relations.


 * From: http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/opinion.aspx?ID=BD4A612422**

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