Discussion+Doc+6,+Towards+SACP+and+Working+Class+MTV

TOWARDS AN SACP AND WORKING CLASS MID-TERM VISION: A DISCUSSION DOCUMENT
The CC located its discussion of the SACP approach to the 2004 general elections within a broader political framework of evaluating the first decade of our freedom, as well as planning ahead for the second decade of our freedom. Government itself is already involved in an extensive process of evaluating the first decade of our freedom, as well as embarking on scenario planning for the second decade of our freedom. We welcome this exercise. Such an approach will also greatly assist us in identifying priorities for the next election and the kinds of political and programmatic outcomes needed during and after the election. In addition it will enable the Party to engage with the government process much more effectively.

The CC noted that we are just under a year before the completion of the first decade of our freedom. We need to start preparing towards a comprehensive evaluation of these first 10 years, as a communist party and from the standpoint of the workers and the poor. We have indeed continuously been evaluating our work increasingly against the background of progress since 1994. Indeed history does not necessarily coincide with major dates, even less so with dates or periods of electoral contests. Class and other struggles in society shape history, and therefore its periodisation does not neatly coincide with electoral contests. However electoral periods are historic in themselves and also give us an important anchor and benchmark around which to evaluate progress in democratic societies, particularly societies in transition. How should the Party conduct a substantial evaluation of the first ten years of our freedom? This is not work that we will be doing from scratch, but needs to build on the ongoing analysis we have been doing over the period, including reflections done by the three congresses held during this period. Indeed our 11th Congress was building on the work of the two earlier congresses, and from the experiences of implementing our programmes of action over the past 9 years. To this end our 11th Congress provides us with very rich perspectives from which to evaluate the first decade of freedom. We have participated and engaged in this first decade from the standpoint of our programmatic slogan “Socialism is the future, build it now”, adopted at our 1995 Congress. A fundamental question we will have to answer is what progress have we made in building elements of, capacity for, and momentum towards, socialism. This programmatic slogan also captured our own “dual” reality, an independent party of the working class, and at the same time an integral component of the liberation movement led by the ANC. This we sought to translate into building elements and capacity for socialism as both the strategic and tactical path towards defending, advancing and deepening the NDR. We will have to move towards a frank and comprehensive answer as to how far we have progressed in the regard. Through our 10th Congress programme we had deepened and refined the tasks of the NDR in a period after the democratic breakthrough. The NDR sought to tackle three interrelated contradictions, the class, national and gender contradictions in their interrelationship. However, the awkward reality we have been faced with is that whilst the NDR does not seek to resolve the class contradiction, at the same time the other two contradictions cannot be completely addressed without the fundamental reconstitution of class relations in society. Therefore, how far and in what manner can the current period address or tackle the class contradiction. It has been around this issue, it can be argued, that the related questions of the attitude of the ANC towards socialism in the current period, and the Party’s conception of a transition to socialism have emerged. These questions have come to define and set parameters for some of the bilateral and tripartite engagements, particularly between the ANC and the SACP. In concrete terms beyond interventions in the labour market and aspects of the social wage, the state has been unable to lead a decisive intervention to transform the current accumulation regime. In many ways, GEAR has instead, reinforced some of the elements of this accumulation regime - reinforcing global competitiveness, but without this regime being able to tackle unemployment and job creation. On the gender question, we need to answer the question about what is our assessment of transformation of gender relations so far given the established gender machinery, gender legislative and policy framework. What impact have these developments made on gender relations? What are the persistent problems threatening transforming of gender relations? We have tried to understand this contradictory reality as one that is an expression of reliance on the same old untransformed white capital to reposition ourselves for global competitiveness, with all the consequences of not being able to therefore simultaneously challenge the accumulation regime underway. We have characterised this as a contradictory unity of political and democratic progress, but economic power still remaining with the same old capitalist class. What are the class, racial and gender consequences of this reality? It is to some of these issues that we will have to return to, as we begin the process of a comprehensive evaluation of our first 10 years of freedom. It is also from a proper grasp of these realities that we should be approaching the 2004 elections. Our evaluation of the first decade of freedom must not only be limited to an assessment of the period 1994-2004. Much more fundamentally we should be using these insights and experience to begin to map out a medium term vision for the SACP. It must be a vision located in our programmatic slogan, but beginning to openly specify the type of South Africa we would like to see by the end of the second decade of our freedom. Such a vision must of course not be a wish list, but must be based on careful analysis of lessons thus far, the balance of forces and most importantly the state of organisation and mobilisation of the working class.
 * First decade of Freedom**

The tone of the second decade of our freedom is already being set by a number of recent and current important developments, including the following:
 * Towards the second decade of freedom**


 * Our very 11th Congress has placed the Party on a particular path – militant, activist, confident and programme orientated with a much clearer grasp of the political and economic challenges of our revolution, and commitment to develop a growth and development strategy premised on a comprehensive industrial strategy, and placing local governance and economic development as the centre of gravity of our activities in coming years. Our last Central Committee has translated this, amongst other things, into a programme to deliberately seek to expand our presence and qualitative influence in major centres of power in society.
 * The very progressive policy and national conference decisions of the ANC’s 51st Conference, provides us with a platform to accelerate socio-economic change during the second decade of our freedom.
 * The very heightened focus on black economic empowerment, with all its potential and dangers, is one sharp expression that the political and economic terrain for the second decade of our freedom is already being shaped.
 * The forthcoming COSATU Congress in September and the re-establishment of the Young Communist League later in the year are also critical events that will further shape the parameters of struggle for the second decade of our freedom.
 * A critical moment that might as well shape the nature of the struggles and breakthroughs fundamentally in the second decade of our freedom will be the implementation of agreements reached at the Growth and Development Summit, and the extent of working class leadership and direction over the implementation of those agreements. Of course the SACP is fully conscious of the fact that much as the GDS did not emerge with a comprehensive industrial strategy or a growth and development strategy, it has not compromised central working class demands and the evolution of such economic strategies.
 * Indeed the 2004 ANC election manifesto and its implementation strategy will be one of the most important instruments with which to deepen and advance the NDR into the second decade of our freedom. That is why it is important that that manifesto must be informed by all the above considerations and experiences of the first decade of our freedom. At the same time, as the Party of the working class, we must seek to impact on the content and implementation of that election manifesto from the standpoint of our clearly defined vision and objectives for the medium term.
 * The terrain of the second decade of our freedom, including the 2004 elections, is already also being shaped by the emergence of a multiplicity of mass formations and single issue campaigns (many within the fold of our movement, but others hostile to our movement). It is a terrain that requires special attention from our Party and movement. We must also seek to engage with this terrain from the standpoint of our medium term vision and goals.
 * The fluidity in opposition politics is another important factor that needs to be taken into account and will impact, in one way or the other, on the struggles in the second decade

We cannot be able to guide, lead and grapple with the current period and all its developments, as well as the second decade of our freedom, unless we consciously development a medium term vision – a 10 year plan if you like. Neither can we be able to sharpen our tactics without being much clear about what kinds of things will we want to see in our society over the next 10-12 years! Our ability to impact and shape current developments rests primarily on our overall medium term vision. In tackling these realities and evaluating the first decade of freedom, we must also be planning ten years ahead, otherwise other class forces will be planning for us, and we find ourselves caught in a permanent reactive rather than proactive mode.
 * Towards a Mid-Term Vision**

As pointed out above, our 11th Congress has given us a basis for a medium term vision and plan for the SACP. The fundamental goal of the SACP for the next 10-11 years should be that the working class by then must be having a decisive and qualitative impact on all key sites of power and influence – particularly political, mass and economic sites of power - such that no significant center of power in society can be able to exercise that power without a significant input from, and centrally taking into account the class interests of, the working class. This question has arisen in a number of ways during the first decade of our freedom. The fundamental question that the party has to pose from now onwards and for the second ten years of our freedom is its relationship to political, economic and mass power in society, and its influence and impact on these.

Some of our comrades have correctly posed this question, including at the 11th Congress, but exclusively focus on the question of whether the Party contest elections or not in the future in its own right. This, to us, should not the fundamental question. The issue of elections merely expresses a form and only a part of a fundamental question we need to pose. The fundamental question is building working class power and its impact in society; the form that this takes will be determined by specific conjunctural conditions.

Amongst other things, the objective of decisive impact and influence of the working class in key sites of power during the second decade of our freedom should be characterized by the following concrete outcomes:


 * Changing and transforming the current accumulation regime – ostensibly and consistently in favour of the capitalist classes – into one that is oriented towards the workers and the poor. This should be our guide and approach to the post-GDS process.
 * Building a conscious cadre able to impact on state institutions and policy, economic institutions and mass formations in favour of the workers and the poor.
 * The harnessing of the multiplicity of mass formations and campaigns into a progressive, working class led social movement for transformation and socialism, including a working-class led civic movement and a large co-operative movement – what we characterised at the 11th Congress as a momentum for socio-economic transformation.
 * Building a progressive women’s movement led by working class women and based on a working class programme whilst also unifying the majority of South African women behind a progressive agenda
 * Using the political and organisational muscle of the working class and other mass formations to regulate and direct significant resources in the private sector towards our developmental objectives
 * Fewer but large trade union cartels and a decisive advance towards a single trade union federation in our country. Our Party has a decisive role to play in this and we have not fully discussed this matter. This must include the consolidation of the organisational, political and ideological capacity of the progressive trade union movement.
 * A substantially larger SACP, with significant presence and influence and impact in key sites of power this has important implications for he SACP including fundraising and financial sustainability, and the political, organisational and ideological capacity of all our structures.
 * The development of a vast network and solidarity activities of socialist, communist and workers’ organisations, formations, NGOs and movements in Southern Africa, and towards the African continent as a whole.

These objectives and outcomes are not in contradiction or parallel to the NDR. Instead they are absolute preconditions for decisive advances and significant qualitative breakthroughs in the NDR in favour of the workers and the poor. They are also a necessary dimension towards building an even stronger ANC rooted in the mass of the workers and the poor of our country. Such a vision should concretely aim to assert the working class as the main motive force of the revolution, and bringing to bear its organized weight on the direction and trajectory of the NDR. This also should provide a clearer answer as to the role of the SACP in the current period, and its role in strengthening the liberation movement, both inside and outside government.

This vision should be premised on, and guided by, the following propositions and realities:

In the same way that the locomotive and bedrock of the struggle against apartheid was the organized power of the working class, any further qualitative advances in the NDR is dependent on the power and political consciousness of that working class

It is within these realities that the challenges and absolute need of a medium term vision for our second decade of freedom should be located. The question of the medium term vision of our Party and the working class as a whole should immediately be placed before all our structures for debate and discussion, as part of our preparations for, and to inform our participation in, the 2004 elections. Further than that these perspectives should be taken forward to our Special National Congress to be held sometime in 2005 for enrichment, further elaboration and adoption.
 * Much as the goals of the national struggle (which still remains the dominant contradiction of our revolution), but their achievement principally rest on the organized muscle of the working class and its concrete leadership of the national democratic revolution. In other words, the goals of the national (and gender) struggle cannot be realized without the locomotive of the class struggle. This is one important lesson throughout our whole liberation struggle, which has also been underlined by our experiences of the first decade of freedom
 * The capitalist class is currently waging a fierce class struggle against the workers and the poor, albeit under vastly different conditions than during the apartheid period, but with the same objective: the sustenance and reproduction of an accumulation regime favourable to their class interests. One manifestation of this struggle waged by private capital is the job-loss bloodbath underway in our country, the decline share of income by the working class, and the gobbling up of profits arising from rising productivity of the working class in our country.
 * The interrelationship between the class, national and gender struggles has not disappeared with the democratic breakthrough of 1994. Instead that very democratic breakthrough and its challenges, makes most obvious the deep interconnectedness between these basic contradictions of our NDR. It is not just blacks who are at the bottom of the ladder of our economy and society, true as this is (the national question). But it is the black workers and the poor (the class contradiction). It is also not just the workers and the poor who bear most of the brunt of capitalism and the apartheid legacy, but black, African working class and rural women in particular (the gender contradiction of our revolution).
 * It is from the above realities that the SACP argues that we cannot now be able to make any significant qualitative breakthrough in the NDR without qualitative breakthroughs in the economy, in favour of the workers and the poor.

Below is an extensive summary of how the CC envisages to implement aspects of the discussion document through the building of sectoral units, workplace structures and Party Discussion Forums in all provincial legislatures, local and district municipalities throughout the country.
 * Building units as a critical organisational task**