ZIMBABWE+SOLIDARITY+NEWSLETTER,+March+5,+2005

ZIMBABWE SOLIDARITY NEWSLETTER -- <><><><><><><><><><><><><>< -- Issue 3, Saturday 5 March, February, 2005

IMPORTANT NOTICE 1 -- We need your help! Standing strong together, as Africans, in unity, means spreading this newsletter as widely as possible! Whether in South Africa, Zimbabwe, or abroad, whether by e-mail or as a printed copy. Don’t hang onto it! Pass it on!

But please remember: any-one that wants to receive this newsletter directly from solidarity4zim@highveldmail.co.za must subscribe through e-mail in person!! This is to avoid problems with local and international Spam laws and regulations. (More info at the end of this letter)

IMPORTANT NOTICE 2 -- The Shona and Ndebele translations are nearly finished! At the beginning of this week the Shona translation of Issue 2 and 3 can be requested (email ‘request Shona issue 2 or 3’ to solidarity4zim@highveldmail.co.za). Also the Ndebele translations of issue 1 and 2 can be requested (email ‘request Ndebele issue 1 or 2’ to solidarity4zim@highveldmail.co.za). The other issues will be translated during this week.

-- “We Are All Zimbabweans!! ….. We Are All Swazis!” -- ==

CONTENTS -


 * 1) Pre-Election monitors on situation;
 * 2) NCA election climate reports;
 * 3) A message from Mozambique;
 * 4) Message From the Zimbabwe Solidarity and Consultation Forum;
 * 5) A message from Malawi;
 * 6) International Reports;
 * 7) News Wraps;
 * 8) Poem: A mysterious marriage;
 * 9) About this Newsletter;
 * 10) Calendar & Agenda;
 * 11) Distribution, subscription and contact info
 * 12) Important Announcements

VOICES FROM WITHIN - ELECTION MONITORS: “NOTHING HAS CHANGED!” ---

In the run-up to the March 31st parliamentary elections reports form within Zimbabwe are univocal: Nothing has changed in terms of election administration. There is //no way// the Zimbabwe regime can be understood to living up to the spirit of the SADC guidelines for free and fair elections.

Despite a plethora of election related "reforms" announced and promulgated by the Government of Zimbabwe, the running of elections are still in the hands of ZANU PF, one of the contesting parties. There are several bodies that administer elections, but the majority of Zimbabweans thought that the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) would take over the running of elections. This is not the case. The infamous Registrar General, Tobaiwa Mudede, will essentially run these elections and will do so with the historical bias that he has always possessed. He, like the Zimbabwe Republic Police Commissioner, declared in 2002 that he is a Zanu-PF supporter. How can one state bluntly that nothing has changed?

Firstly, the Delimitation Commission, set-up to review the electoral constituencies, reduced Harare and Bulawayo constituencies by one. Despite the population density of Harare and Bulawayo, these two cities now have fewer polling stations than rural provinces like Mashonaland East, Central and West to mention a few. It is widely understood that the delimitation itself, was done by the Registrar General, long before the Delimitation Commission was actually appointed. Interestingly, the new ZEC was not responsible for the drawing of election boundaries.

Also, the number of polling stations, about 5,500 (going by the number of inspection centers), are fewer than the number for the 2000 Parliamentary elections which were more than 7000 even though now, five years on, Zimbabwe is supposed to have a larger registered voting population of about 5 658 637. It is likely that voters will experience a repeat of the same practices in urban areas as in 2002: standing in queues for long hours and many being unable to vote. This time voting will be done on just one day. The Zimbabwe regime hopes to address the problem of fewer poling stations by setting up three voting centers all in one voting station. It will prove difficult if possible at all for local monitors, planning to dispatch one monitor per station, to observe proceedings at three voting centers simultaneously. The Zimbabwe regime seems bent on introducing something new and confusing at each election. An added problem of fewer polling stations is that specifically in urban area’s, traditionally opposition strongholds, fewer people will be able vote during the limited times there is. This will cost the opposition votes.

Thirdly, the Zimbabwe Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC), which has historically proved itself to be a toothless bull dog, will supervise elections and will supervise the other bodies in terms of their conduct. But it is still weak and is funded from a grant from the Ministry of Justice, which is also responsible for seconding staff to the commission. Its independence has always been doubted, let alone that of the ministry of justice. It does not have enough funding, has limited resources and is easy to manipulate.

The Voter's roll, which is supposed to be used and produced by the ZEC, was drawn up by the Registrar General meaning that the ZEC, a supposedly important body which the regime is boasting about as an indicator of compliance with SADC norms, did not draw up the voters roll, nor did it run or oversee the inspection process or draw and oversee the new election boundaries. It hardly exists in real terms at all: in terms of having an independent budget; a staff and programs of actions and work plans etc. Until two weeks ago it is reported the ZEC didn’t even have one operational phone nor had they ever set foot in their office, a hotel room in a big Harare hotel.

Fifthly, the Ministry of Justice, an interested party in the outcome of these elections, is responsible for inviting local observers to register for accreditation on condition they pay 100,000 US$ which translates to Z$550 000 000( five hundred and fifty million Zimbabwe dollars). Apart from this being a ridiculously large sum which will limit local monitoring participation, this money is not ploughed into the election bodies which are severely under funded. It goes straight into Government coffers. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is responsible for inviting foreign observers. One wonders why Government ministers are given this responsibility when you have the ZEC and the ESC. So effectively, these government ministries still can determine who to invite and who to accredit. So Mugabe and his cronies are setting the rules in a game they are participants in. To make matters worse, he is also the referee!

So nothing has really changed in terms of election administration. This combined with the political landscape where media access by the opposition is essentially non-existent, partisan reporting by mass state owned print and electronic media, intimidation still being a major factor in rural areas and even urban areas, the use of state resources by ZANU PF bearing positive mileage for the ruling party present a picture of more of the same as we have experienced before in 2000 and 2002, as well as during the 1980ies. Nothing has really changed!

-- “The Struggle Continues For Peace, Truth And Justice In Southern Africa!” --

=__NCA ELECTION CLIMATE REPORTS__= - The National Constitutional Assembly has released two reports so far on the election climate. The first report covers Matabeleland North and South, while the second covers Harare province. Both reports conclude that the conditions for “full citizen participation” in the elections are not present. The reports called for action by all political parties and responsible authorities to investigate allegations and to ensure that elections take place in a peaceful atmosphere. In particular, the report on Harare province called for investigation into reports of abuse of women.

The report detailing electoral irregularities in the two Matabeleland provinces indicates that there was substantial political violence in the form of “hate speech, threats and intimidation.” The report also states that political use of food was seen in 5 constituencies in the two provinces. Of the constituencies, Lupane, Insiza, Nkayi and Umzingwane had the worst ratings for electoral irregularities.

Irregularities include forced attendance at ZANU political meetings, new residents claiming to be prospective voters and assaults on freedom of expression and information. Residents of the provinces have “been unable to read the newspapers of their choice.” There are also reports of intra-party violence within ZANU (PF).

Very high levels of irregularities were reported in all constituencies within the Harare province. Reports include political use of food and infringements on basic freedoms. In several constituencies, including Dzivarasekwa and Kuwadzana, it is reported that MDC members have been unable to put up campaign posters.

Both parties were able to hold meetings, with ZANU (PF) holding more meetings than the MDC. With one exception, meetings with forced attendance were ZANU (PF) meetings. In some areas, a curfew of 9 pm has been established. As in the Matabeleland provinces, it appears that new voters are being moved into some constituencies, at times under the guise of being resettled. Similarly, individuals who read newspapers other than the state-owned Herald report being threatened by militia.

Harare has seen some adoption by the MDC of tactics traditionally employed by ZANU (PF) such as forced chanting of political slogans. However, there were no reports of violence committed by MDC members in any Harare constituency. Physical violence was reported as being committed by the army, the youth militia and ZANU (PF) supporters. It was reported that MDC supporters had been denied access to food. In Harare North, at Hatcliffe 1 Primary School, the ZANU (PF) candidate was heard saying, “If you vote ZANU you will get food.”

There are also disturbing reports of politically motivated rape and indecent assault. These assaults are committed mainly by the youth militia. There were no reports of formal voter education in the province.

VOICES FROM THE REGION – SOLIDARITY FROM MOZAMBIQUE --- The tide is turning. Despite the maneuvers of some of our political leadership it seems an unavoidable conclusion: people in the SADC region are waking up to the realities in Zimbabwe and are increasingly speaking out. Just this week the well known Mozambican author Mia Couto spoke out in a weekly column. Couto appealed to his own government to break ties with Robert Mugabe, sensing that the freshly elected Mozambican president Armando Guebuza has espoused a new political spirit that might also entail a break from the traditional Mozambican foreign policy which previously let events take its course. Couto is quoted as stating “But now the internal political situation in Zimbabwe is so clear that defending the regime requires enormous blindness. Elections are approaching and all the news indicates that an unacceptable swindle is being prepared against those who defend democracy and freedom. What is at stake is the prestige of our foreign policy and of our country. The prestige of our country, and of SADC (Southern African Development Community), which Mugabe is trying to use as his final shield” (from Daily News online, 2-2-05)

“Peace And Justice In Zimbabwe Now!”

AN OPEN LETTER: THE ZIMBABWE SOLIDARITY AND CONSULTATION FORUM SPEAKS ON THE SADC PRINCIPLES AND GUIDELINES AND THE ZIMBABWE ELECTIONS --

The Zimbabwe Solidarity and Consultation forum is a network of progressive South African civil society organizations, including youth, women, labour, faith-based, human rights and student formations. Over the past months our network has grown rapidly in size and influence.

As we move towards March 31, we need to bear in mind that the Zimbabwean elections of 2000 and 2002 deepened the political crisis, rather than contributing to a progressive resolution. Since 2002 democratic space has been further eroded.

Comparing 2005 with the elections of 2000 and 2002 there is one crucially important difference now. We have in place the SADC Principles and Guidelines. All SADC governments have solemnly signed these Principles, which commit them (in terms of clause 7.1) to a scrupulous implementation. As South African and Southern African citizens we are proud of these very important and thoroughly progressive Principles and Guidelines. The fundamental requirements of a legitimate election are no longer a matter of vagueness, they are clearly benchmarked.

Below we have reproduced some of these principles and include examples taken from monitoring reports that clearly indicate how these have been violated.

Full Participation of citizens in the political process and Political Tolerance: - There have been numerous reports of election campaigners being arrested, beaten and even abducted while engaging in election activities. In most cases those responsible for the attacks have not been arrested or charged. Examples: 3 March: Prince Chibanda, the MDC candidate for Zvimba North and Paidamoyo Muzulu the information and publicity secretary, were arrested and detained at Chinoyi police station. 23 February: Hilda Mafudze, MDC candidate for Manyame, reported that 11 MDC youths were assaulted by Zanu PF supporters while distributing campaign literature. The incident was reported to Norton police station but the police refused to arrest the Zanu PF youth. 16 February: Police in Harare raided a training session of the MDC’s 120 candidates. Police claimed the meeting was illegal under the Public Order and Safety Act. Ian Makone, the MDC’s Director of Elections, was arrested.

Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media: - 20 February: The launch of the MDC’s election campaign in Masvingo was not carried live by the Zimbabwe Broadcast Corporation (ZBC). Instead it gave the event four minutes coverage later that evening. This was followed by a two-hour live interview with President Mugabe on Zanu PF’s manifesto pledges. The Zanu PF launch was featured on the news for 4 days and received over 4 hours coverage on TV and radio.

Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of citizens - There has been no move to repeal those aspects of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that place severe limitations on citizens’ basic civil and political rights. POSA continues to be used to ban MDC meetings and prevent free political activity.

Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections - Gordon Moyo, the chairman of the Bulawayo Agenda, a civic education group, last week told the media that political violence, intimidation and the use of food aid to coerce voters was increasing ahead of the elections. Moyo further alleged that voters were being told that the use of translucent ballot boxes would enable the authorities to trace each vote cast.

Existence of an up-dated and accessible voters’ roll - Voters have been arbitrarily removed from the voters’ roll. Inspections that have been carried out thus far on sections of the voters’ roll have revealed an alarming number of anomalies. The Registrar General has consistently refused to provide the opposition with an updated electronic version of the voters’ roll which would enable them to check its accuracy in an efficient manner.

Establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies - The recently established Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) is subject to the authority of the Electoral Supervisory Commission which is entirely appointed by President Mugabe. All the other electoral bodies are entirely chosen by, and beholden to, the Executive.

Voter Education - The clauses in the ZEC Act that ban civil society from engaging in voter education and ban foreign funding for civic education are unconstitutional.

Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens, including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning - The recent release of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights, fact finding mission report on the situation in Zimbabwe, raises a number of serious concerns with regards to this SADC Principle.

THE FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE AFRICAN COMMISSION

On freedom of expression… - The African Commission stated that laws such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) would have “a ‘chilling effect’ on freedom of expression and introduced a cloud of fear in media circles”. The Commission recommended that: “The POSA and Access to Information Act should be amended to meet international standards for freedom of expression”. On the police service… - The African Commission found evidence that “//a system of arbitrary arrests took place”.// The Law and Order Unit of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) was described as appearing “to operate under political instructions and without accountability to the ZRP command structures”. The Commission stated that every effort must be made to “avoid any further politicisation of the police service” and recommended that the Law and Order Unit be disbanded. On the youth militia… - In 2001 the Government of Zimbabwe established the National Youth Service (NYS). The African Commission noted reports that youths trained under the NYS have acted as militias for the ruling party and have been implicated in acts of political violence. The Commission proposed “that these youth camps be closed down…” On the rule of law… - The African Commission found that “the government had failed to chart a path that signaled a commitment to the rule of law…” and in its recommendations stated that: “the independence of the judiciary should be assured and that court orders should be obeyed”. On the work of NGOs… - The African Commission’s report stated: “Legislation that prohibits the public participation of NGOs in public education and human rights counseling must be reviewed. The Private Voluntary Organizations Act should be repealed.” Since the African Commission visited Zimbabwe in 2002 little has changed… No reform whatsoever of the police service has taken place. Youth training centers remain operational. The fact that all newly recruited police officers must be graduates of the NYS training has grave long-term implications for policing and human rights in Zimbabwe. The government has intensified its repression of NGOs, particularly those working on governance and human rights. The Private Voluntary Organizations Act is set to be replaced by the NGO Bill – a piece of legislation widely condemned as even more repressive than the PVO Act. This Bill has passed through parliament and remains only to be signed by President Mugabe before it becomes law. The judiciary remains under severe pressure. Since the African Commission Fact-Finding Mission judges have been assaulted, threatened and harassed. Court orders are frequently ignored. Indeed government officials and ministers are on record as stating they will defy court orders with which they disagree. The African Commission is charged with ensuring the promotion and protection of human rights. It is vital to the credibility of the Commission that its recommendations carry the full support and weight of the AU and its members.

We believe that the majority of SADC governments should appreciate very clearly that any pragmatic compromise on the SADC Principles and Guidelines or a failure to acknowledge and address the findings of the African Commission, in the vain hope that this compromise will establish some kind of stability in Zimbabwe will, in fact: They will also appreciate that this is a litmus test for other elections in our region.
 * Perpetuate the Zimbabwean political crisis;
 * Undermine the standing of our regional governments in the eyes of their citizens and the international community at large.

What Zimbabwe needs now is not another gravely flawed election but a SADC-facilitated negotiated transition towards democracy. We call on all SADC member states and their governments to ensure that SADC fulfill its responsibilities and use the opportunities presented in the run up to elections to open up democratic space in Zimbabwe that remains open beyond the election itself. The role ECOWAS has played in Togo is a exmple from West Africa that should inform the role of our own regional body.

In the coming days and weeks, we, the participating formations within the Zimbabwe Solidarity and Consultation Forum will be intensifying our activities within South Africa and throughout our region, in support of our vision and in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe. We call on all South and Southern Africans to join us in these activities. Our solidarity efforts will need to extend way beyond the election itself.

A Luta Continua An injury to one is an injury to all!

MESSAGE FROM MALAWI -- Civil and religious groups in Malawi have expressed their deep concern over the deteriorating political situation in Zimbabwe.

When they had failed to submit their petition on the new Non-Governmental Organisation Bill on 13 September 2004 through a peaceful march to the Zimbabwean Ambassador in Malawi, the Human Rights Consultative Committee (HRCC) finally managed to do so on 10 December 2004 during International Human Rights Day. The petition was addressed to Robert Mugabe, Their initial effort was thwarted by the police for reason attributed to “endangering diplomatic relations.” The HRCC, concerned that the application of the proposed law would criminalise the activities of civil society organisations working in the field of human rights and good governance, and requested for the suspension of the new law pending its review or complete repeal. They also petitioned Prime Minister Paul Berenger of Mauritius, Chairperson of SADC, on the matter.

In Blantyre the police halted a peaceful interdenominational prayer meeting organised by civil society on 16 October 2004 to show solidarity with their brethren in Zimbabwe by appealing for divine intervention to avert a ‘looming human rights catastrophe in Zimbabwe.’ The organisers included the Civil Liberties Committee (CILIC) Institute for Policy Interaction (IPI) and Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation (CHRR), stood fast for their constitutional right to freely hold the event without interference from the police or government. The police commissioner wished the prayer meeting cancelled or delayed until the President met the civic society leaders on the Zimbabwe issue. However, as the vigil organisers went to talk to the police officers were already dispersing participants. In a press statement the organisers said, “Malawi is still a police state under democratic camouflage! You cannot fool everyone all the time! Wake up Malawians! The price of democracy is eternal vigilance,”

Also in Malawi in October 2004 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) met President Bingu wa Mutharika on the Zimbabwe crisis to present their concerns on the deteriorating situation in that country and appealed for his intervention, as a SADC Head of State. The President promised to do his best to engage Mugabe. Convinced that the President is only paying lip service to the issue, the CSOs warned the situation in Zimbabwe was a threat to the Malawian economy since it is its major trading partner. They also expressed concern over the position of the 3 million Malawians living in Zimbabwe.

=__INTERNATIONAL REPORTS__= - ====

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP
The most recent International Crisis Group report on Zimbabwe, published in November 2004, focuses on the upcoming elections. It places the elections within the context of an ongoing and worsening crisis with severe political repression. The report acknowledges and welcomes the electoral legislative reforms passed by the regime, but calls them flawed and states: “The best prospect in sight is a C-minus election that is fairly clean on election day but deeply flawed by months of non-democratic practices.”

The report also emphasizes the need for pressure on ZANU (PF) and its leadership from African governments, particularly the regional powerhouse of South Africa. The report stresses that Western governments such as the US and Britain must “get behind” African efforts, harmonizing policies and supporting African initiatives. The report remains pessimistic however about the likelihood of substantial change, without which, it concludes, there will be “a continued slide toward national and regional chaos, which would ultimately require the international community to consider much graver measures in even less promising circumstances.”

The report takes a critical view the opposition MDC party, suggesting that the party needs to “revive itself” if it is to have any success in the March elections. The report cites the ongoing persecution of the party, including the second treason charge against Morgan Tsvangirai. The report suggests that, while the MDC can always decide to boycott the elections at the last minute, it should participate to the greatest possible extent in the meantime in the interests of “credibility and effectiveness as a political force.”

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
On the 28th of January, 2005, Amnesty International released a press statement expressing deep concern over the continuing detention of Member of Parliament Roy Bennet. A committee of Parliament sentenced Roy Bennet to 15 months in jail with hard labor for pushing the Minister for Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Patrick Chinamasa, to the floor during a debate in Parliament.

Amnesty International (AI) does not condone Bennet’s actions, but criticizes the parliamentary procedures used to convict and sentence Bennet. In particular, AI condemns the proportionality of the sentence to the offence committed, calling it a “miscarriage of justice.” The statement reiterated AI’s call for a review of Bennet’s conviction and for him to be tried by an independent and impartial court.

AI also cites the lack of appeal procedures available to Bennet and the partisan voting on his punishment, both in the ‘Privileges Committee’ which sentenced him, and in parliament, which approve the sentence, as evidence of politically-motivated persecution. If the offence had not occurred in parliament, Bennet would almost certainly have been charged with ‘common assault,’ a crime that carries a much smaller sentence, and in many cases is punished with only a fine.

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
In December 2004, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a briefing paper criticizing the proposed Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) Bill. HRW states that, “The Bill will… effectively eliminate organizations involved in promoting and defending human rights.”

HRW calls the bill “retrogressive,” pointing out that it curtails the right of freedom of association enshrined in the Zimbabwean constitution, and increases governmental control over organisations that see themselves as non-partisan. The Bill specifically targets organisations engaged in human rights work by prohibiting local organisations engaged in such work from receiving foreign funding and prohibiting the registration of foreign NGO’s who engage in such work, which the bills classifies under “issues of governance.”

The Bill also promotes partisanship by giving the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare absolute control over the appointment of the governing NGO Council, which makes all decisions about registration and deregistration of organisations. The proposed Bill also makes requirements of organisations, such as the need to register and pay registration fees every year. The one positive development cited by HRW is the provision for appeals in some areas, though not against decisions to de-register organisations.

HRW argues specifically that Clauses 9 and 17 of the Bill violate the Constitution and several international treaties and agreements to which Zimbabwe is a party, including the 2004 SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

- “Not Free And Fair Equals Not Legitimate.” - ==

=__NEWS WRAP 1 JONATHAN MOYO FALLS FROM FAVOUR__= --- Former ZANU (PF) Minister of Information has fallen out of favour with his former sponsor, President Robert Mugabe. Moyo was dropped from the ZANU (PF) politburo some time ago, but has reportedly been declared “enemy number one” by Mugabe on Thursday 24 February. Mugabe has instructed the party to use whatever “resources and strategies” to make sure that he loses the Tsholotsho parliamentary seat he is contesting in the upcoming March 31st elections. The Tsholotsho seat is currently held by an MDC parliamentarian.

Moyo has been formally expelled from the party after deciding to stand for election as an independent. He was recently given 48 hours to move out of a state-owned residence in the upmarket suburb of Gunhill. Moyo is fighting his eviction in the courts, claiming that it would case “great inconvenience and prejudice and therefore irreparable harm.”

In further evidence of splits within the ZANU (PF) party, Philip Chiyangwa was prevented by state security agents from entering a stadium where Mugabe was addressing a party gathering. Chiyangwa is the former ZANU (PF) Provincial Chairman for Mashonaland West. (rom Zim Online, 1&2-3-05)

==

“Freedom Is More Than A Contested Election.”

Lt-Gen Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian commander of a United Nations (UN) peace-keeping force during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, has warned there is urgent need for regional and international intervention to prevent Zimbabwe’s political crisis from further deteriorating. He said lack of such action was a perfect example of a lack of political will to prevent crises. In Rwanda up to one million people were killed. Although the political situation in Zimbabwe may not be as tense as in Rwanda during the build-up to the massacres, observers fear it could deteriorate if there is no immediate intervention. Dellaire gained fame and acclaim as he was seen as one of the few people in the United Nations who were pushing for a large UN intervention to prevent the genocide from happening. His numerous pleas for an intervention by the UN were ignored by UN Headquarters in New York. (**From The Daily Mirror, 2-3-05)**
 * NEWS WRAP 2 EX-UNITED NATIONS GENERAL CALLS FOR INTERVENTION ---**

A MYSTERIOUS MARRIAGE

Once upon a time there was a boy and a girl forced to leave their home by armed robbers. The boy was Independence The girl was Freedom. While fighting back, they got married.

After the big war they went back home. Everybody prepared for the wedding. Drinks and food abounded, Even the disabled felt able. The whole village gathered waiting Freedom and Independence were more popular than Jezus.

Independence came But Freedom was not there. An old woman saw Freedom’s shadow passing. Walking through the crowd, Freedom to the gate. All the same, they celebrated for Independence.

Independence is now a senior bachelor Some people still talk about him Many others take no notice A lot still say it was a fake marriage. You can’t be a husband without a wife. Fruitless and barren Independence staggers to old age, Since her shadow, Freedom hasn’t come.

Courtesy of Freedom T.V. Nyamubuya, from //on the road again,// Freedom Publishers

"Tell No Lies, Claim No Easy Victories" (Amilcar Cabral)

ABOUT THIS NEWSLETTER

Over the past decades numerous South African progressive civil society organizations have emerged that work on issues that form an integral part of the current crisis in Zimbabwe. These range from humanitarian issues such as food relief, to issues such as human rights and civil liberties, from democracy to trade union work. But ever since the intensification of the Zimbabwe crisis in 2000, Zimbabweans have rightly been complaining that their fellow Africans, and first and foremost their South African neighbors, have hardly done enough to aid the plight of the people of Zimbabwe. However, over the past year several South African civil society organizations of all walks of life have committed themselves to working together in order to maximize their out-pout with regards to the crisis, as well as show solidarity in practical sense as well as on a moral level. COSATU’s courageous attempted fact-finding missions to Zimbabwe are only one example of practical solidarity for the people of that country. The Zimbabwe Solidarity and Consultation forum is a network of progressive South African civil society organizations, including youth, women, labour, faith-based, human rights and student formations. Over the past months our network has grown rapidly in size and influence, and we say confidently that we have contributed to a much greater understanding of the crisis and challenges in Zimbabwe within our organizations and within the broader South African debate.

CALENDAR AND AGENDA ---

9 MARCH 2005 COSATU picket outside Zimbabwe High Commission 12 MARCH 2005 All are invited for the ZIMBABWE SOLIDARITY RALLY in Musina, Limpopo Province, South Africa, for further information call (011) 833 5959 or email at zsrcoord@civicus.org. 11 MARCH 2005 COSATU border blockade 16 MARCH 2005 COSATU March to Beit Bridge border post 18 MARCH 2005 COSATU border blockade 23 MARCH 2005 Mass COSATU march on the high commission 30 MARCH 2005 COSATU all night candlelight vigil by the Beit Bridge border post 31 MARCH 2005 COSATU all night candlelight vigil by the Beit Bridge border post

DISTRIBUTION DETAILS AND CONTACT INFO -

This Newsletter is the plain text version of the email Zimbabwe Solidarity Newsletter. The main idea behind the Newsletter is that it can be distributed in Zimbabwe so that people without internet access may receive it as well. Therefor we also provide a print-easy foramt of this Newsletter. The print-easy Newsletter can be printed out onto three pages A4, front to back. **Please help us distribute the print-friendly copy in Zimbabwe! The more access to information and solidarity the better!** The print-friendly copy can be requested by sending an e-mail with subject ‘request print-friendly’ to __solidarity4zim@highveldmail.co.za__ The print-friendly Newsletter is distributed via e-mail as an Adobe Reader (PDF) document.

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IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT --- The Shona version of issue 2 and 3 is ready! This can be requested from __solidarity4zim@highveldmail.co.za__ by typing ‘request shona plaintext’ or ‘request shona pdf’ in the subject line of an email to usl, or by going to our new website. For Ndebele the same applies as above, but with ‘Ndebele’ in the request. The Ndebele translations will be ready shortly. Issue 1 will be available in both languages as of next week. They can be requested as above. Last weeks issues can be requested by sending us an e-mail with ‘request issue 1 and/or 2’ in the subject.