Zuma+letter+was+mine+-+Mbeki,+interview,+Sunday+Independent



=Zuma letter was mine - Mbeki=

Sunday Independent, Johannesburg, February 26, 2006

 * By Angela Quintal, Moshoeshoe Monare and Jovial Rantao**

President Thabo Mbeki this week publicly acknowledged authorising Jacob Zuma's controversial letter to a top MP, a January 2001 communication that is key to the state's corruption case against his former deputy.

The letter to Gavin Woods, then chairperson of parliament's standing committee on public accounts, was used by the prosecution as evidence to convict Zuma's associate, Schabir Shaik, and is expected to be equally crucial in Zuma's corruption trial.

While Mbeki is ambivalent about becoming a defence witness, he believes he can co-operate without taking to the witness box.

In a wide-ranging interview with The Sunday Independent, Mbeki was asked this week whether he would be prepared to be a defence witness in Zuma's corruption trial.

"It depends," he said. "One of the things we have to guard against is acting in any way that reduces the esteem, prestige, authority of this institution [office of the president]."

Mbeki said the information required for Zuma's defence was "simple and straightforward" and could be given without him having to be called as a witness.

Zuma claims that although he signed the letter as leader of government business, it was actually written by Mbeki, working with a cluster of ministers, in handling the fallout from the controversial arms deal. Zuma indicated last year that he might call Mbeki and other senior cabinet ministers as witnesses. If Mbeki is called, he would be the first South African president to be a witness in a criminal trial.

In his judgment last year Judge Hilary Squires described the letter as "hostile", crowing and additional proof that Zuma had been carrying out the task for which he had been bribed by Shaik and French arms firm Thales - to protect them from further scrutiny in the arms deal probe.

Mbeki acknowledged that he was party to the letter and said the content itself made it clear it was written with his authorisation: "It is actually in the communication; there is nothing hidden."

Mbeki expressed surprise that Shaik's defence had not sought information about it from the presidency, saying his government would have co-operated.

"If they had asked what happened in this particular matter we would have explained. It is a very simple matter and straightforward. That particular communication says 'the president and I have decided as follows'."

He used the example of how cabinet secretary Frank Chikane co-operated with the prosecution when the presidency was asked for information contained in the register of executive interests. While he did not physically hand over the documents relating to Zuma's financial disclosures - since in terms of the law only the public protector can have access - he did convey required information.

"If there is certain information in the hands of the government which would help the defence, certainly... In conveying the truth to the court ... government should co-operate with that, including the president."

He could "honestly not recall" whether he met top executives of French arms company Thomson CSF - now known as Thales - in Paris in 1998. Thales and its subsidiary, Thint, are being prosecuted with Zuma for alleged corruption. On his future, given that he will not stand for a third term as president in 2009, Mbeki said: "One of the things that is said even by people outside South Africa, given the work we have been doing in the rest of the continent, [is that] people would not want to lose that experience.

"So we need to look at ways with which we could continue with that engagement ... that is one of the issues that keeps popping up ... so we might want to do that, but we have not really looked with any seriousness at that question."

On whether he would be willing to stand for another term as ANC president next year, Mbeki repeated that his future lay in the hands of the party: "The ANC may well say do this or don't do this. Whatever is decided, it will be fine."

Mbeki rejected the notion that two centres of power - if he remained ANC president and somebody else was national president - would give rise to tensions.

"It will only have substance to it if these personalities represent different political perspectives, but they don't and they won't while the ANC is the governing party."

Mbeki denied there was resistance in the ANC to the party's new gender-parity policy or to any woman aspiring to become the next president. Nor did he believe that service delivery and capacity problems, corruption and anger over cross-boundary municipalities would count against the ANC on March 1.

"I don't think there is any danger or threat to the popularity of the ANC."

The action taken against Zuma had not backfired in terms of ANC support, he said.

The ANC would not become complacent, despite weak opposition and the fact that the majority of South Africans were not making a noise about its delivery constraints.

"I don't think the circumstances of South Africa would allow for any complacency... I am talking about the actual material conditions of life in this country, whether issues of poverty or the continuing racial or gender imbalance in society, levels of unemployment or the indigent problem in communities. If you are elected as government, you have to respond to that practically and not [be] driven by people protesting somewhere."

Among Mbeki's worries is the state of the country's intelligence service, including being fed false information or poor intelligence.

"It is certainly something I am concerned about. That is why you should sleep easily, because we are attending to it."

Mbeki avoided specifics, including the suspension of top spy boss Billy Masetlha, and the alleged hoax e-mails apparently used as part of a dirty tricks campaign in the ANC succession battle. He did not believe that Zuma blamed him for his woes: "He has never said to me I have treated him unfairly."

On the state of the ANC, Mbeki said its current disunity was not radically different from any other period in its 94-year history. He referred to the formation of the All African Convention in 1935 arising out of weaknesses in the ANC.

"So an alternative body was formed... We are not facing that situation right now."


 * From: http://www.sundayindependent.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=1042&fArticleId=3131936**