SACP+12th+Congress+Resolutions


 * SACP 12TH NATIONAL CONGRESS RESOLUTIONS**


 * COMMUNISTS TO THE FRONT TO BUILD A BETTER SOCIALIST WORLD!**

__Contents__


 * A. COMPOSITE RESOLUTION ON THE SACP AND STATE POWER.. 1**
 * B. RESOLUTIONS ON THE SACP AND THE ECONOMY.. 2**
 * C. RESOLUTION ON THE SACP AND COMMUNITIES.. 7**
 * D. THE SACP AND INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLES.. 9**
 * E. THE SACP AND THE WORKPLACE.. 12**

//NOTING//
1. That the question of state power is the central question of any revolution 2. That state power is located in diverse sites, including the executive, the legislatures, the judiciary, security forces, the broad public sector, state owned enterprises, and other public institutions. 3. That the strategic Medium Term Vision (MTV) of the South African Communist Party is to secure working class hegemony in the State in its diversity and in all other sites of power. 4. That electoral politics are an important but not an exclusive terrain for the contesting of state power. 5. Working class power in the state is related to working class power in all other sites, including the imperative of developing organs of popular power, active forms of participatory democracy and social mobilisation. 6. That the structures of the SACP and our cadres have confronted many problems with the way in which the Alliance has often functioned, particularly with regard to policy making, the lack of joint programmes on the ground, deployments and electoral list processes.

//AND BELIEVING THAT//
1. While the state of white minority rule has been abolished and important constitutional and other gains have been won, the post-1994 state requires significant transformation. 2. This includes amongst other things: a) Redressing the damaging impact of privatisation and restructuring policies that have weakened the capacity of thestate and exposed key strategic areas to the dominance of private capital; b) Addressing the lack of a clear cadre development policy in the state; c) Building the strategic capacity of the state to drive developmental programmes; d) Rebuilding critical sectors of the public service, including health care and education, that are still reeling from the effects of years of downsizing and other restructuring measures; e) Transforming the key area of local government, often the weakest sphere of governance. 3. That SACP cadres who are deployed as ANC elected representatives, or as public servants must continue to owe allegiance to the Party and cannot conduct themselves in ways that are contrary to the fundamental policies, principles and values of the SACP. The same principle applies to SACP cadres in other deployments, including within the trade union movement, community organisations, etc.

//AND FURTHER BELIEVING THAT//
1. The alliance requires major reconfiguration if the NDR is to be advanced, deepened and defended, and if we are to achieve the SACP’s medium term vision objectives of building working class hegemony in all sites of power, including the state; 2. That this reconfiguration of the Alliance must include the following elements: a) The Alliance must establish itself as a strategic political centre; b) This political centre must develop a common capacity to drive strategy, broad policy, campaigns, deployment and accountability. 3. At the same time, this reconfiguration of the Alliance must respect the independent role and strategic tasksof each of the alliance partners.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That the SACP deepens its capacity to provide strategic leadership in regard to key policy sites of state power, including industrial policy, social policies and the safety, security and defence sectors. 2. That the SACP contests state power in elections in the context of a reconfigured Alliance. 3. To mandate the incoming CC to actively pursue the different potential modalities of future SACP electoral campaigning. These modalities could involve either: An electoral pact with our Alliance partners, which could include agreement on deployments, possible quotas, the accountability of elected representatives including accountability of SACP cadres to the Party, the election manifesto, and the importance of an independent face and role forthe SACP and its cadres within legislatures. OR Independent electoral lists on the voters roll with the possible objective of constituting a coalition Alliance agreement post elections. 4. The SACP must actively engage its Alliance partners on these proposals. 5. The Party and State Power Commission must take forward its work to study international experiences closely, and to analyse in detail and evaluate our local reality. 6. The incoming CC must convene a policy conference within a year, in order to assess the feasibility, and potential advantages and disadvantages of the different modalities noted above, including further detailed research. 7. Whatever options are chosen, we must strengthen the SACP’s policy capacity, and our organised strength on the ground.

==**B. RESOLUTIONS ON THE SACP AND THE ECONOMY.. 2**

__Nature and Features of the Colonialism of a Special Type Economy and the Post 1994 Trajectory__

//NOTING//
1. The South African economy, notwithstanding important changes, preserves the systemic features of its formation and consolidation within a colonial and special colonial framework, with the following features: a) Ownership and control of the commanding heights of the economy are still in the hands of private monopoly capital. b) It is based on a dependent capitalist accumulation path which relies heavily on primary product exports, particularly from mining and agriculture, and it is excessively dependent on imports of capital goods and many commodities. c) For this reason growth and development is exceedingly vulnerable to global fluctuations, especially movements in commodity prices. d) Infrastructure, energy and water policies were historically designed to support the mining sector, and these features continue to skew our economy. e) The minerals, energy and finance complex continues to dominate the South African economy. Small and medium capital remains extremely weak, while the manufacturing sector has also tended to be weak. f) Historically, CST was reliant on a mass of cheap migrant labour for the mines, predominantly African males from reserves/Bantustans in South Africa and from other parts of southern Africa. g) The spatial inequalities created by apartheid capitalism are still intact and have often been worsened by the infrastructural investment patterns characteristic of our present growth path. 2. The democratic government inherited an economy that was in crisis for many years, reflected in highly racialised and genderised unemployment, poverty and inequality. Economic policy in post-apartheid South Africa has tended to focus on restoring capitalist profitability, through economic liberalisation, fiscal and monetary austerity, at the expense of transformation of the key features of the CST capitalist growth path. Key features of the economy since 1994 include: a) The structure of the economy retains the basic features of an export-oriented and import-dependent economy, with an under-developed domestic market. b) Exports have been diversified to include new products, especially autos, heavy chemicals; however primary exports, especially mining still constitute 30% of our exports. Manufacturing is weak while services and construction sectors have grown rapidly. The question is whether the growth of output and employment in these sectors is sustainable. In mining, the relative dominance of gold has been replaced by platinum. Platinum mining is highly capital intensive and has created fewer jobs. c) Job destruction in the mining and agriculture sector has continued unabated resulting in mass expulsion of low skilled workers. The level of unemployment remains high, with around 4 million counted as unemployed by the official definition and around 7 million by the expanded definition. d) The unemployment rate has slightly declined in the last three years due to a marginal decrease in the economically active population and job creation predominantly in the services sector. The quality of jobs is deteriorating as permanent secure employment is displaced by the sharp rise of casualised and sub-contracted labour. For many years, the public service offered a route for professional employment for African women. The services sector has replaced the public service as a major employer of women, often in casualised jobs. e) Profitability of the capitalist system has been restored for the first time in many years quarter-by-quarter growth has been positive since 1999. Profits relative share of national income has increased compared to the sharp drop going to workers. f) Austerity measures have succeeded in reducing the national debt, the budget deficit and inflation, but at the cost of growth, jobs and social development. g) Since 2000 fiscal policy has been modestly expansionary combined with a decrease of nominal interest rates adding to the recent growth spurt. However, monetary policy retains its conservative character and a one-sided focus on inflation with negative consequences for growth and jobs. Concerns have been raised about interest rates as a blunt instrument to control inflation and their impact on the value of the currency, investment, employment and growth. In this regard, we need to explore other mechanisms to control price increases and reopen debates on the inflation-targeting framework. h) Privatisation and commercialisation of state owned enterprises have tended to commodify basic services and thereby raise the price of these basic services. Unaffordable public services tend to reverse the massive extension of basic services such as water, electricity, and telephones to the poor. The mandate to SOEs has to be realigned to the goals of providing affordable public services to the poor and to support industrialisation. i) Failure to change the structure of production and ownership has led to rising inequality and poverty on the one hand, and the emergence of a highly parasitic compradorial black elite and high profits for monopoly capital on the other hand. Economic growth over the past 13 years relied on commodity prices and consumption by the rich and more importantly by increasing the rate of exploitation through casualisation and poor wages.

__Building Working Class Power in the NDR Economy__

//NOTING//
1. The economy may be performing better for the rich but the majority of our people are still to benefit. De-racialisation without a thorough structural transformation of the economic form of CST is narrow and reproduces and intensifies the dualistic character of the society. 2. Building working class power in the economy requires first and foremost structural transformation of the South African economy to change the structure of production and ownership. That means challenging the stranglehold of private monopoly capital and building new sites of production and accumulation including collective ownership through the state, cooperatives, and other forms of worker ownership in the economy. It requires challenging the power of the bosses to dictate company restructuring and work organisation. 3. It requires linking growth and development in the manner envisaged in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. The type of structural transformation required to change the colonial legacy cannot be driven by markets, but requires a strong, activist, national democratic developmental state buttressed by our mass base. 4. In order to move the economic dimensions of the NDR in a way that benefits the working class, we need to fundamentally transform the relationship, and subordinate the interests of private monopoly capital to the imperative of dealing with the legacy of the CST.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
To adopt the following sectoral resolutions as a basis for the SACPs approach to economic transformation in the current period. The Central Committee will further elaborate the details of the resolutions including developing a programme of work on economic transformation. At the minimum the programme should pay attention to developing the SACPs capacity to engage with and elaborate detailed policy proposals on a range of socio-economic issues with an immediate aim of breaking the dependent-development accumulation path. The Central Committee should begin a process to articulate a vision for a socialist economy in South Africa.

__Industrialisation Policy__

//NOTING//
1. The South African economy relies heavily on primary product exports particularly from mining and agriculture. 2. Insufficient focus and programmes on the development of rural and township communities in South Africa, resulting in minimal change to the apartheid geography of our country. 3. Ineffective support for Small and Medium Enterprises from the financial sector including the public development institutions. 4. The one-sided focus on economic growth and insufficient attention to transformation of the economy. 5. Governments heavy investment in infrastructure in the energy, transport and communication, but often driven by the objective to reducing the cost of doing business for business. 6. The adoption of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA), reverting mineral rights to the state as the custodian of our mineral wealth and land. 7. The identification of specific sectors in the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa as possible areas for investment, including Business Process Outsourcing and Bio-fuels.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That a national democratic, state-led industrial policy promoting a labour-intensive manufacturing sector is the basis to transform, diversify and build a vibrant economy. This industrial policy should link actively with and support our major infrastructure development, skills development, and equitable spatial development. 2. To campaign for and ensure the re-nationalization of companies in strategic sectors such SASOL and Mittal Steel with an ultimate aim of nationalizing and socializing the commanding heights of the economy in line with the vision of the Freedom Charter. 3. To call for improved beneficiation of minerals and measures to regulate and stimulate the fabrication of raw materials into finished and semi-finished products. 4. To call for increased investment in infrastructure and the ramping up of the public works programmes as a basis to provide economic and social infrastructure and employment. 5. Integration with the region should be on the basis of a strong industrial policy to provide basic goods in South Africa and the region. 6. Trade and macroeconomic policy should be subordinated to the logic of an industrialisation strategy to meet basic human needs. 7. Procurement policies should be reviewed to support local production and support broad based empowerment, employment, and small business development. 8. Any agricultural and industrial process in the production of bio-fuels should be legislatively regulated to guarantee food security and avoid possible food price hikes. Agricultural and Rural Development

//NOTING//
1. The slow pace of land redistribution and agrarian reform. At this rate, even the modest target to transfer 30% of land by 2014 is likely to be missed. 2. The resolutions of the Land Summit which, among other things, called for the review of the willing seller-willing buyer principle. 3. Liberalisation of agriculture has led to evictions, production substitution as farmers shift to game farming, and an uncontrolled free market resulting in fluctuating prices of staples like maize.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To campaign for the expropriation and redistribution of land within the context of a reformulated agricultural development policy. In that context the willing seller-willing buyer principle should be effectively abolished to allow for a more effective and rapid land reform programme. 2. That the state shall help the peasants with implements, seed, tractors and dams to save the soil and assist the tillers as part of a sustained agrarian reform. 3. To call for the restructuring of the Land Bank to redirect its funding to small-scale farmers and cooperatives.

__Transformation of the Financial Sector__

//NOTING//
1. The positive results of the SACP Financial Sector Campaign, including the establishment of the Mzansi Account, partial amnesty for people blacklisted by the credit bureaux, and the enactment of the National Credit Act. 2. The Growth and Development Summit and Financial Sector Summit agreements on the Financial Sector, especially with regard to the mobilisation and deployment of investment. In particular we note the resolution that 5% of investible income should be directed to infrastructure and social development. 3. The adoption of the Financial Sector Charter and Codes. 4. South Africa has a well-established, sophisticated financial sector made up banks, the insurance industry and public sector financial institutions like the Development Bank, the Industrial Development Corporation, and the Land Bank. However, this financial sector is failing miserably to meet the needs of the poor.

1. That the financial sector should be transformed and regulated for developmental purposes. In this regard, to continue the unfinished business of the Financial Sector Campaign. 2. The State must redirect state development finance institutions to support structural transformation of the economy and industrialisation. In this regard Development Finance Institutions must privilege and improve the allocation of finance to cooperatives. 3. The state should develop a State Bank to mobilise savings and direct credit to support investment. 4. Call on private capital, the state and labour movement to implement the GDS and the Financial Sector Summit resolution that 5% of investible income in the hands of retirement funds be directed towards infrastructure development. 5. Build the capacity of the SACP to monitor implementation of its gains and to drive campaigns better.
 * //THEREFORE RESOLVE//**

__SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT__

__Education and Training__

//NOTING//
1. The huge skills imbalances reflecting years of apartheid education and discrimination in the workplace and the education system. 2. Whilst recognising the shortage of skills in the South African economy, the blaming of high levels of unemployment on a skills shortage is misplaced. 3. Efforts to rebuild and reconstruct an education and qualifications system based on the ideals of the Freedom Charter. 4. Notwithstanding these efforts, education often remains inaccessible, unaffordable and inequitable.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To campaign for free compulsory and quality education from early childhood to higher education. 2. To call for an audit of the skills development system to ascertain the type of skills programmes that are required, and the level of funding that is needed. 3. There should be development of well-resourced and strategically directed education and training to overcome the massive skills distortions in our society. 4. To call on the government to review the Higher Education merger process to assess the impact on access to higher education, jobs and other pertinent issues. 5. The ideological orientation of the curriculum should change to teach working class ideals.

__Social Security and Health Care__

//NOTING//
1. South Africa has a large and extensive social security system made up of contributory schemes linked to employment and social grants from the government. 2. Social grants play a developmental role, providing income and livelihoods to poor people and support local economic development. 3. Despite this extensive social security system, millions, especially the unemployed, fall through the cracks of the system. 4. The impact of HIV and AIDS and the burden of diseases on the poor and the cost it imposes on workers and the economy.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To reaffirm the call for a Basic Income Grant as an important intervention for economic and social development. 2. Insist on the provision of basic health care to all South Africans especially the poor.

__Appropriate, supportive macro-economic policy__

//NOTING//
1. Governments macroeconomic frameworkaims primarily to stabilise the economy and is not linked to or supportive of an industrialisation strategy. 2. That the fiscal policy stance has become slightly expansionary since 2000 and has realised a surplus in this fiscal year and projects another surplus in 2008/2009 in the midst of high levels of poverty and underdevelopment. 3. The Reserve Bank has increased interest rates in the recent past and this is beginning to have an impact on growth.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. The Central Committee should articulate the details of the SACP’s approach to macroeconomic policy including on reprioritisation of the budget, interest rate and exchange rate policies, and measures to control the volatile flows of speculative capital. 2. The mandate of the SA Reserve Bank and PIC should be aligned to the development strategy. That means changing the narrow and one-sided SARB focus on inflation to incorporate objectives such as employment, growth and industrial development. The PICs deployment of investment must support sectors with potential for large-scale absorption of labour.

__Protecting Workers__

//NOTING//
1. The protections afforded to workers in the Constitution and the labour laws. 2. Capitals response has been to casualise and subcontract labour to avoid compliance with the labour laws. The effect is that hundreds of thousands of workers, especially in construction, retail and finance, are not in practice enjoying the protection legally afforded to workers. 3. Workers real earnings have remained stagnant, increasing only marginally above inflation while productivity, profits and packages paid to executives have soared. 4. It is in this context that we should locate the recent upsurge in industrial action as organised workers demand a fairshare of the wealth they have helped to create.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To work to guarantee workers basic rights within the context of a campaign for decent work. 2. To call for the strengthening of regulation to deal with new forms of employment. 3. To support current worker struggles to improve wages and working conditions.

__Information and Communications Industry__

//NOTING//
1. That whilst playing a regulatory role, the State has not been directly involved in the economics of information and communications technology. 2. That ICT is one of the fastest growing economic areas in the South African economy. 3. With its rapid growth, ICT has not reached the poorest of communities, with the digital divide widening along class lines.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That the State should play the following roles in the ICT sector: a. Be a leading investor (postal, broadcasting and telecoms) b. Discourage cost before call by incumbents (interconnection fees) c. Promote the manufacturing of all major components (.e.g. cellular phones, optic fibre cables, etc.) as part of the creation of decent and sustainable jobs d. Monitor investment by foreign owned companies and the performance of foreign investors e. Improve the capacity of the industry regulators and other related bodies (e.g. Competition Tribunals) in a liberalized and competitive environment f. Bridge the digital divide (within and outside our borders) Building a Democratic, Activist Developmental State

//NOTING//
1. Renewed interest in the role of the state in driving and leading economic development. 2. The role states have played in leading and driving development in various countries and regions across the world. 3. That a developmental state needs a structural capacity, developmental ideology and a mass backing to lead, intervene on behalf of, and guide developmental programmes.

//BELIEVING THAT//
1. In our context a developmental state must be located within the theory and practice of the National Democratic Revolution

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. In order to advance the agenda of building working class power we need an active democratic developmental state, buttressed by a mobilised national democratic movement in which the working class increasingly plays a leading role. A South African developmental state should seek to roll back the domination of the mineral-energy-finance monopoly capitalist complex. 2. That the Developmental State has to be built around a development vision to transform the race, class and gender contradictions. 3. The orientation of the developmental state must, at the minimum, be based on the Freedom Charter, the RDP, and the goal of transforming our society. 4. Development must be reconceptualised to support the broad thrust of the goals of the NDR including transforming gender relations and empowering women to participate in the economy and society. 5. The Developmental state should have the capacity to compel and/or expropriate the means of production for developmental purposes. 6. That a Developmental State requires a strong, efficient, motivated and well compensated public service as a vital cadre for a developmental state. 7. The development strategy must also affirm and value the reproductive work performed by women and should align policies including taxation from a gender perspective. 8. To intensify the transformation of the state on all fronts to ensure that all state institutions support, reinforce and implement the developmental vision. 9. The states capacity to plan and execute its developmental mandate should be consciously built and developed.

__Building the SACP’s Economic Policy Capacity and Campaigns__

//NOTING//
1. That the SACP needs to build its policy capacity in order to give practical coherence to its ideological, political and policy perspectives.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That the incoming Central Committee should develop a work programme which will include commissioning research, holding workshops to develop the Partys capacity on economic policy issues and to develop a more substantial vision of a socialist economy in South Africa. 2. That the incoming Central Committee should facilitate or ensure facilitation of Policy Development and Research Workshops, which will give a focused attention to various areas identified.

//NOTING//
1. That through the 20th Century the focal point of CST underdevelopment was located in urban, peri-urban and rural townships, 2. Patriarchy within the entire system of Colonialism of a Special type has condemned the vast majority of black working class women to abject poverty, unemployment and under-employment, 3. Socio-economic dualities within our country stem from the very system of CST, which is characterized by three interrelated contradictions of race, class and gender, 4. Our countryside is characterised by extreme inequalities and poverty, 5. Survivalist activities of various kinds seek to ameliorate conditions of abject poverty amongst workers and the poor.

//FURTHER NOTING//
1. That 13 years into our democracy, central features of Colonialism of a Special Type still persist in our communities

//BELIEVING THAT//
1. Any strategy which seeks to address the plight of our communities must move from the premise that people are their own liberators, 2. A progressive and democratic developmental state has a duty to address the socio-economic dualities in our country, 3. Building strong SACP branches and districts is central to organize the primary motive force of the National Democratic Revolution, 4. Building a strong and dynamic Alliance will go a long way in transforming the harsh reality of CST.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To campaign for a nationally coordinated integrated development strategy which seeks to overcome the divide between town and countryside, and within urban centres, amongst other things, 2. To call for the phasing out of Provincial Governments whilst maintaining Provincial Administrations as a means to addressing socio-economic dualities, 3. To campaign for the state to redefine the mandate of provincial development parastatals like the ECDC and NWDC by ensuring that such institutions contribute towards rural development whilst contributing towards the building of a strong cooperative movement amongst other things, 4. To contribute towards the transformation of the informal economy through dynamicand vibrant cooperatives, 5. To ensure that our Industrial policy deliberately contributes towards bridging the divide between town and countryside, and inequalities within urban centres, 6. To campaign to ensure that decisions on demarcation are made democratically a. the key principle guiding demarcation should be the developmental objectives of our national democratic revolution b. Government should make decisions about demarcation through referendums and with recourse to the Constitutional Court 7. To actively work with COSATU in organizing domestic workers into Unions, 8. To pay particular attention to building ward committees, particularly in rural areas. 9. To call for an urgent Alliance Summit on the plight of farm workers and arm dwellers. 10. To intensify and advance campaigns in rural and farming communities around HIV/AIDS focusing on awareness, support and access to treatment. 11. To campaign for the state to employ and adequately remunerate home-based care givers on a massive scale. 12. SACP branches to form strategic plans identifying destitute families and orphans to assist with basic needs. 13. To campaign for free education and the redress of apartheid inequalities between rural and urban schools.

__Fighting Patriarchy and Lumpen Patriarchy__

//NOTING//
1. The bedrock of patriarchy in South Africa is colonialism of a special type and traditional systems of patriarchy. 2. The colonial system was built on the exploitation of mineral resources, wage labour and the unpaid labour of African women in particular. 3. The colonial system perpetuated and built upon traditional systems of gender inequality. 4. This system has made unequal power relations between women and men appear as normal and natural and further justified through cultural practices, norms and values which are in some instances undemocratic and demeaning. 5. Challenges to traditional patriarchal power have at times been accompanied by a reactionary reassertion of male power in the form of lumpen patriarchy characterised by retrograde versions of male identity, rape and sexual assault against women, anti-women and anti-child violence. 6. There is a growing tendency towards viewing gender issues in narrow and elitist terms, whereby women’s emancipation is measured by the advancement of a few women into positions of power rather than fundamentally challenging patriarchal power relations and advancing the needs and interests of working class women.

//BELIEVING//
1. That the struggle against capitalism must challenge the unequal gender relations that bolster profiteering through women’s unpaid labour. 2. That the struggle for socialism requires the mobilization of both women and men united in struggle against patriarchy, capitalism and racism. 3. That the SACP and its members should advance progressive ideologies and a vision for gender relations towards building a new socialist society. 4. That the most progressive approach to understanding our society is an historical and dialectical materialist approach, and that we must ensure that our analysis and practice deals with the gender, class and race contradictions in our society.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To strongly engage patriarchal ideas, attitudes and practices. 2. To educate women and men on the negative impact of patriarchy. 3. To advance progressive gender theory and practice within the SACP and society to challenge patriarchal relations. 4. To campaign against gender-based violence. 5. To develop policy and campaigns to socialize unpaid reproductive labour. 6. To challenge unequal gender relations in society, including involvement of women in community decision making.

__Resolution on Popular Participation and Building a Progressive Civic Movement__

//NOTING THAT//
1. South African society is characterized by three interrelated contradictions of race, class and gender. 2. Poverty and unemployment are manifestations of the contradictions of CST and capitalism. 3. Poverty and unemployment cannot be dealt with without confronting the inequality brought about by the capitalist system driven by profit and exploitation. 4. The duality within the economy and our localities is caused by the structural inequalities of capitalism. 5. The capitalist state, backed by domestic and international capital, buttresses these inequalities and inhibits thorough-going social transformation.

//BELIEVING THAT//
1. The Party must be at the forefront of boldly and actively advancing working class community struggles. 2. There is a need to build popular participation in governance, and deepened accountability and transparency of public representatives and state structures. 3. The lack of a progressive and independent civic movement organised at community level hampers the ability of communities to advance their needs and interests. 4. Access to basic services, infrastructure, land and housing are immediate working class struggles that must be taken forward to improve the daily lives of workers and the poor and to build working class organisation. 5. The central focus of Party programmesmust be around organizing and mobilizing working class communities for active involvement in community development to build working class power to advance the struggle for socialism. 6. These community struggles should be centred on tackling patriarchy, racism and class contradictions manifested in our communities. 7. The Red October campaigns have successfully highlighted critical issues and need to be further advanced and intensified.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To Intensify the Know Your Neighbourhood Campaign a. The Party should further intensify the Know Your Neighbourhood Campaign with a focus on follow-ups and ongoing work in communities b. The KYNC should be used as the nerve centre for the SACP assessment of social problems in communities and to create capacity within branches to understand and analyse the needs of communities and make appropriate interventions c. Link community needs and demands to integrated development programmes 2. To Campaign for popular participation and participatory democracy a. Campaign to involve communities in determining how government policies are developed and implemented and how local, national and provincial budgets are determined and allocated b. Influence ANC policies and contest decisions that do not challenge inequality and advance development c. Improve public participation in governance and decisions on public resources d. Mobilise communities to ensure accountability, transparency and accessibility of elected representatives, including educating, raising awareness and conscientising communities on their rights e. Develop community structures to be the voice of the community to engage with municipal and other structures around service delivery f. Establish community poverty forums 3. To call for the establishment of a progressive civic movement a. Work with community groups and organizations to establish a strong, mobilized and effective civic movement able to act in unison to uplift our people and solve problems faced in communities, able to lead and initiate pro-poor campaigns and programmes b. This movement would be tasked with the formation of organs of people’s power including street committees and rural committees in localities dealing with community issues without undue influence of political parties

**D. THE SACP AND INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLES.. 9**
__We reaffirm previous congress resolutions on the International Balance of Forces and struggles against Imperialism__

//NOTING//
1. The changing nature of the global world order that is challenging the hegemony of the USA. 2. The development and the relative unity of the left forces in Latin America and the emergence of socialist alternatives. 3. The rise of emerging powers like China and India. 4. The important role that South Africa is playing in global politics. 5. The negative effects of the Unites States of Americas Security Strategy. 6. The crisis of international capitalism underlining its non-sustainable character. 7. Intra-imperialist rivalry amongst the superpowers. 8. The United Nations that predominantly represents the interests of the superpowers and its lack of transparency. 9. Developmental aid has been characterised by conditionalities from the givers of AID. 10.Growing inequalities between North and South and within countries. 11.The damage done by international drug syndicates. 12.The depoliticisation of young people globally. 13.Global conflicts fuelled by the powerful countries through their foreign policies. 14.The rise of religious fundamentalism globally.

//BELIEVING//
1. That South Africa plays an active role in global politics. 2. Networking and working together with progressive left parties can contribute to the enhancement of the SACP’s own vision and program. 3. The Party can learn from the positive developments in Latin America. 4. The international drug industry is not only a threat to social stability but also a threat to security. 5. The democratic era post-1994 has moderated the fierce struggle against imperialism. 6. Religious fundamentalism is not apolitical.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That there is a need for the SACP to link with the left forces in the world. 2. That South Africa foreign policy must be responsive to the global challenges. 3. To ensure that the resolution for the SACP to hold a conference of the Left is implemented in 2007. 4. The conscientisation about the need for a concerted effort to continuously struggle against imperialism should be reawakened. 5. To contribute in the transformation of the UN 6. To embark on work brigades in identified countries of Latin America to learn more from their experiences. 7. The SACP should approach the drug industry problem as a security issue. 8. The SACP should ensure that the youth of South Africa through the YCL and its programs have high levels of class consciousness. 9. The SACP should participate in the international peace movement. 10.The SACP needs to critically look at and understand the role of religious fundamentalism in South Africa, Africa and global politics.

__Environment__

//NOTING//
1. The increase of carbon emissions contributing to global warming. 2. Increasing debates about the need for sustainable energy policies. 3. The negative effects of nuclear energy in terms of costs and radioactive nuclear waste. 4. Environmental degradation that is taking place globally. 5. The continuous disregard by some countries of the international environmental treaties like the Kyoto Protocol

//BELIEVING//
1. Sustainable development that is not based on accumulation should be the approach. 2. Highly industrialised countries and the developed world are the major contributors of carbon emissions that are causing global warming. 3. The expansion of bio fuel usage can constitute a threat to food security. 4. Nuclear energy production produces harmful nuclear waste and is not labour intensive. 5. Energy production through coal is labour intensive.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To contribute in the campaigns and debates that support clean coal energy. This should include an active campaign against the main polluters of the environment, mainly those that have not signed the Kyoto protocol. 2. To discourage bio-fuel as a source of energy and/or call for strict regulation in cases where a strategy for bio-fuels is pursued. 3. To explore various energy production methods and sources not damaging to our environment, such as hydro energy.

__Africa and SADC__

//NOTING//
1. The militarization of Africa and the wars that still ravage the continent. 2. The diminished sovereignty of countries because of the effects of structural adjustment programs. 3. Unfair trade globally that impacts on Africa negatively. 4. The negative effects of multinational corporations in the continent, and of South African based multinationals in particular. 5. Violation of refugee rights in certain instances. 6. Privatisation of many industries in the continent. 7. Language divides that characterise the continent. 8. Role played by Cuba in support of the liberation of Southern Africa.

//BELIEVING//
1. That wars and conflicts stifled development. 2. That the unity of African countries is central to meet the challenges of trade and development. 3. That unity of African countries should not be based on the intensification of neoliberal capitalist accumulation ideologies and phenomena. 4. That we must not allow former colonisers and language blocs based on former colonial languages to create divisions amongst the people of the continent. 5. The history of the liberation movement in Southern Africa would not be the same without the intervention of Cuba in Quito Cuanavale.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That trade amongst countries within SADC and within the continent should be promoted, but based on a developmental and industrial policy framework. 2. That the SACP should contribute to peacemaking in the African continent and other parts of the world. 3. Ensure that South Africa’s Multi National Corporations are accountable and contribute to development and not underdevelopment. 4. That the SACP should interact with and help to coordinate communist and socialist parties in Africa. 5. That the SACP should monitor the process of privatisation in the continent. 6. That the SACP needs to critically observe the role of South African capital in the continent. 7. The Party needs to critically look at the degeneration of post-independence liberation movements in the continent and find ways of making a positive contribution to this challenge. 8. The Party needs to ensure that South Africa sticks to its foreign policy of promoting an African agenda and South-South cooperation. 9. That there is a need to transcend the language barriers left by the colonial legacy. 10.That neo-colonialism should be opposed and that the continent should increasingly control its own resources. 11. Commemorate the 20th anniversary of Cuito Cuanavale in 2008, in recognition of its decisive impact on the liberation in South Africa and Southern Africa.

__Approach to International Work__

//NOTING//
1. Most of the international work is at the level of Head office. 2. The links that the SACP has made with progressive societies and formations across the world.

//BELIEVING//
1. That working together with other fraternal structures, the SACP’s international work must be consolidated and advanced.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. To ensure that international work is done at all levels of the SACP. 2. Ensure that the SACP takes forward lessons from international trips and engagements. 3. The SACP should link its international work with that of the ANC and COSATU, whilst retaining independence on interaction with other progressive forces in the world. 4. That the SACP should build the capacity of SACP cadres in regard to international work.

//NOTING//
1. The SACP Medium Term Vision identifies the workplace as one terrain within which working class hegemony must be built. 2. The SACP also acknowledges the serious strides and victories brought about by the 1994 political breakthrough with regard to the transformation and democratisation of the workplace. 3. The democratic government led by the ANC has been able to pass progressive labour legislation. 4. Although the legislative is favourable to workers, the workplace remains a highly contested terrain. 5. The employers have devised strategies to circumvent some of these laws and therefore frustrate the efforts of the progressive forces in transforming the workplace. 6. There is a growing tendency of casualisation of labour, including outsourcing and the use of private labour brokers. 7. The workplace is still organised along colonial/apartheid patterns, with huge disparities in terms of both gender and race. 8. The huge wage gaps between and amongst different categories of the country’s workforce have given rise to high levels of inequalities. 9. The SACP and COSATU’s correct assessment that the first decade of South Africa’s political freedom has not benefited, in economic terms, the poor and the working class. 10.The key feature of the workplace is that no victory is permanent and the employers spare no effort in seeking to reverse whatever gains that the workers have registered.

//FURTHER NOTING//
1. That certain sections of the South African economy have been affected by retrenchments and this has contributed towards high levels of unemployment. 2. The continued exploitation and the need to defend and mobilise vulnerable workerssuch as farm-workers and domestic workers. 3. The need to organise the majority of the South African workforce behind the vision of the SACP. 4. The need to review the Skills Development Strategy to address the challenge of skills shortage. 5. The need to engage in a rigorous political conscientisation of the workforce. 6. The scourge of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and strategies to reduce its negative impact. 7. The adverse impact that Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment has hadon the workplace. 8. Affirmative action has and still continues to benefit only employees at managerial levels.

//THEREFORE RESOLVE//
1. That the Industrial strategy and policy in South African should be able to address the problems of casualisation. 2. That there should be further engagement in the Tripartite Alliance and government on the issue of casualisation, with a move towards ending this brutally exploitative phenomenon. 3. The SACP should scrutinise the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA) and identify the loopholes in order to assist the trade union movement to engage with such. 4. The skills development strategy needs to respond to the challenge of skills shortage and that skills development should be linked to industrial strategy. 5. The SACP must intensify the campaign for the establishment of workplace SACP units in all industries. Furthermore, these workplace units must be continuously serviced and monitored for sustainability, 6. Every Province should have training sessions for both shop stewards and workers on Marxism-Leninism. This programme should be linked to the SACP Medium Term Vision, with specified targets. 7. The SACP must strive to ensure that all workers are mobilised behind its vision and programmes across all the Union federations. 8. The SACP should assist COSATU in an effort to attain the principle of One-Federation-One Country.

Issued by the SACP.

For more Information Contact:

Malesela Maleka SACP Spokesperson 0822261802