YCL,+Bottom+Line,+Botswana+Diaries,+Human+Rights

The Bottom Line, Issue 3, Vol 4: 22 March 2007
The Botswana Diaries Capitalism Steals our Human Rights!
 * In this issue:**

=The Botswana Diaries=




 * Buti Manamela**

In the late [|nineteenth century], hostilities broke out between the [|Tswana] inhabitants of Botswana and [|Ndebele] tribes who were migrating into the territory from the [|Kalahari Desert]. Tensions also escalated with the [|Boer] settlers from the [|Transvaal]. After appeals by the Batswana leaders [|Khama III], Bathoen and Sebele for assistance, the British Government on [|March 31], [|1885] put "[|Bechuanaland]" under its protection. The northern territory remained under direct administration as the [|Bechuanaland Protectorate] and is today's Botswana, while the southern territory became part of the [|Cape Colony] and is now part of the northwest province of South Africa; the majority of [|Setswana]-speaking people today live in South Africa.

When the Union of South Africa was formed in 1910 out of the main British colonies in the region, the Bechuanaland Protectorate, [|Basutoland] (now [|Lesotho]), and [|Swaziland] (the "High Commission Territories") were not included, but provision was made for their later incorporation. However, a vague undertaking was given to consult their inhabitants, and although successive South African governments sought to have the territories transferred, Britain kept delaying, and it never occurred. The election of the National Party government in 1948, which instituted [|apartheid], and South Africa's withdrawal from the [|Commonwealth] in 1961, ended any prospect of incorporation of the territories into South Africa.

“An expansion of British central authority and the evolution of tribal government resulted in the 1920 establishment of two advisory councils representing Africans and Europeans. Proclamations in 1934 regularized tribal rule and powers. A European-African advisory council was formed in 1951, and the 1961 constitution established a consultative legislative council.

“In June 1964, Britain accepted proposals for democratic self-government in Botswana. The seat of government was moved from [|Mafikeng] in South Africa, to newly established [|Gaborone] in 1965. The 1965 constitution led to the first general elections and to independence on [|September 30], [|1967].”

Thus was how Botswana was formed, and this is my impression of what it is in Gaborone and Mochudi (the two places I visited).

Hearing //Umshini wam’// almost everywhere in Gaborone and meeting people outside residences of the University of Botswana throughout the night discussing the prospects of the ANC National Conference in December this year made the six-day-long visit to Botswana feel warm.

The country is part of us and we are part of it in more ways than one. There is a cultural, political, economic and social integration between South Africa and Botswana which has begun almost a century ago when the country’s royalty demanded not to be included in the then Union of South Africa. The conditions that the working class and the poor, the economic growth path pursued by that country, the political dynamics and contests and the hopes and aspirations of the people of that country were so similar if not the same that it was easy for our delegation engage with. Although we are 35 times the population of Botswana, the social and moral fibre seems to be the same. Albeit there were certain bizarre experiences that we were confronted with, we felt more at home.

This however was not surprising. Over the past few years, more than 10 000 students from Botswana studied in the University of North West. Most Batswanas do their shopping in nearest Mafikeng and Zeerust, whilst there is a daily shuttle from Gaborone to Johannesburg. Because of the 40% unemployment rate (not official figures), most young people in Botswana, upon completion of their studies, come to find work in South Africa. There is a strong cultural exchange between the Batswana and South Africa, with music, arts, language, trade and other factors being almost entirely mutual.

Over and above //Umshini wam//, we were treated to the melody of //Siyohlangana// //e Pitoli// (we’ll meet in Pretoria), the recent vibes of Thebe and S’bu (in Kwaito and House respectively), the smell and grand taste of //Shisa Nyama// at a place called //Braaivleis//, the usual handicrafts that you will meet at Park Station or African Market in Rosebank and, courtesy of Dali Mpofu and Marcel Golding, SABC and [|e.TV]. The presence of some of the popular chicken outlets (KFC, Nandos and Barcelos), refueling at TOTAL or ENGEN, making financial transactions at FNB (and there is Standard Bank) whilst shopping at Woolworths showed that imperialism has not only colonized the consumerist SA market, but has spread into our neighboring borders.

//The Sunday Slimes// and the //Pity Press// made their presence felt, together with Sunday World and Daily Sun. One of the journalists chewed no bones about his preference of The //Pale and Guardian// and his wish to employ his service for Snoopy “Let them eat Papaganda” Zikalala in the SABC News. He affectionately spoke about wishing to go to Auckland Park.

What was more despicable is that our country is suffocating the same neighboring economies were imperialism cannot reach, or sometimes does it on behalf of the imperialist forces. This makes SA, wittingly or unwittingly, the economic launching pad of imperialism in our continent. De Beers owns 49% of Debswana, whilst there are so many SA companies that are looking for investment opportunities in the recently prospected mines of platinum.

Like SA, Botswana and the rest of Southern Africa are rich in raw mineral resources, but their economies are classified as middle-income, far low in the rung compared to the countries of origin of TOTAL and KFC. Although there is an attempt lately to develop capacity to process diamond, for instance, more and more jobs are being shed in the diamond mining areas and less jobs are created as the investors are looking for little labour intensive technology.

Our arrival was met with an intensive debate on the Budget, with one of the Members of parliament arguing for a policy similar to that of South Africa’s Black Economic Empowerment. They seemed more appealing, but being a skeptic and once beaten by this kin of rhetoric, I quickly remembered how the Apartheid capitalists cushioned their wealth by giving riches to some through the Sanlaam deal and many others that followed. And then I imagined some South African BEE failures (and they are many, including myself) would quickly attain a Botswana citizenship (something like Xolane really becoming “Kulani’) and quickly abusing the virgin territory.

The links between SA and Botswana are of blood. Some of the people we met as part of our delegation have some links and or are part of the bloodline of people from as close as Mafikeng and Taung to as far as Nelspruit and eThekwini (which will make the transition from SABEE to BABEE easier). Their origin, as they claim, and can be proved by some documents kept in the Phuthadikabo Museum in Mochudi, is South Africa. The Batswanas refused to be integrated into the Union of South Africa and demanded to be kept, to the advantage of the British, within the Queens protectorate. Deputations and letters were sent to Her Majesty explaining why Botswana should remain a sovereign state, and be entirely cut-off from the discussions on the formation of the Union. This was to be.

However, the borders between the two countries are becoming gradually artificial, partly because of the various protocols signed at either a bilateral level or at SADC and partly because of the strong history of co-operation and solidarity during the anti-Apartheid struggles. The Botswana National Front, for instance (and despite its black, green and gold colours on their emblem, arranged in the same way as that of the ANC, and having the same meaning) were instrumental in the hosting of various political exiles from South Africa and had a strong bond with the African National Congress. The Metal and Allied Workers union was instrumental in the formative years of the South African Congress of Trade Union, and claims to have had strong relations with people such as John Nkadimeng (former trade unionist and member of the SACP Central Committee)

The borders are further undermined by the poverty which the people of Botswana share with us. Their retrenchments from the mines. Their unemployment. Their high rates in accommodation, food prices, education and the impact of HIV/AIDS in their societies (Botswana has one of the highest percentage rate in the world). So it was not surprising that in conversations (with little language barriers) there were mutually shared interests, needs, challenges and a clearer possibility of uniting in struggles for working class emancipation.

Our host, the Botswana National Front (Youth League), made our stay an ease with the type of meetings arranged and the people we interacted with. The Botswana Informal Traders Association, the Machado Local Authority, the Machado Museum, teacher, mining and general workers unions and with the national leadership of their mother-body (BNF).


 * They stole our votes.**

The most painful reality about democracy in that the majority of those who participate in the voting process will not get anything in return. This reality was noted by local secretary of the Botswana Informal Traders Association when she said that it is the very same local counselors who pass laws that disadvantage their sector. She spoke of having been in informal trading for more than 20 years, and became part of the early organisation of workers in this area.

The challenges of any democracy, whether in South Africa, Botswana, United States or Iraq is to ensure that everyone is taken along post the electoral process? It does not matter whether there are popular elections on a daily basis on after every five years, but the fact that the people are left behind when decisions are taken by a small elected or appointed clique undermines the very same democracy.

In South Africa the clarion call was for the building of people’s power, whose essence was ensuring that the people become the centre of development and are the motive force for building a better society. The informal traders in Botswana, although they are regarded as employed, believes that most people, especially students in the University of Botswana (who earns more than P1800 as a stipend) are better off than them.

On a good month, one can make more than P1000. This is besides the fact that a decent accommodation in the central Gaborone is more than P400, and basic foodstuffs such as maize-meal, meat, chicken and bread have drastically increased in the last few years. School fees in primary schools are P350 (school fees were introduced recently as a measure to ensure that government increase its fiscus ‘in order to improve the conditions of life in other sections’.

The workers in various industries were shocked that the students in Botswana are demanding an increase from P1300 to P2000, not because this is too much, but because this is double the salary of an ordinary worker. This has led to a breakdown in a key relationship in civil society. The government can rejoice that the immediate intellectual production of the working class, which is the students, are in bad books with the workers themselves.

Legend (and reality) has it that most parents would wish that their children are admitted in the University of Botswana so that they can have that Sunday Chicken and that Boxing Day Turkey. In fact, an unemployed member of the hosting Team (and serving National Executive Committee member of BNF Youth League) confessed that he wishes to return to class in order to further his (L) earning.

Gaborone’s relationship with Zola and Naledi (all its township, not television shows or names of characters, we are not sure if this is influenced by two townships in Soweto of similar names) is like that of Sandton and Alexandra. Eleven minutes out of the capital city, both township are populated and assaulted by poverty, unemployment and HIV/AIDS. The streets are terrible. The water is scarce. Some of the houses are make-shifts. There is little access to telecommunications. There is abundance of small-markets, which mainly operates in the morning when workers go to work (to sell them vetkoeks) and when they come back (to sell then the insides-looking-outside and gizzards and livers and you know what). There is no electricity there because it will cost a fortune for a unit to connect. There is crime. There is prostitution. There is misery. Hope, yes there is hope. Hope that the capitalists will be compassionate and share their wealth by creating more work.

In this expedition, we learnt that we share more with our African brothers and sisters and we need to cooperate more. Their wishes are our wishes, and so are their miseries, exploiters and freedom fighters. When the youth of the world unite, a better society is possible. That’s the Bottomline.

=Capitalism Steals our Human Rights!=

Our democracy is for the few. The ‘breakthrough’ of 1994 is for the few. Further, it is also (if not only) enjoyed by those who were instrumental in the sustenance of Apartheid. Democracy is about Human Rights for all. Democracy is about freedom of movement, the right to education, escape from poverty, shelter, economic participation, the right to vote (of course), freedom of speech, the right to work and most importantly the right to life.

Yesterday when we celebrated Human Rights Day and also remembered those who died in 1961 protesting against Apartheid laws (the pass laws in particular) at Sharpeville, we were also remembering that we are now free and are living under a democratic dispensation.

What are human rights?

For us, Human Rights should be a guarantee that each man shall be free in the context that they shall enjoy life without any form of infringement either by other individuals or the state.


 * In SA, human rights are enshrined in the constitution through the Bill of Rights.
 * These rights are meant to ensure that all human beings live collectively in harmony without infringing on the rights of others.
 * Examples of rights enshrined in the constitution includes, the right to life, the right to dignity, the right to vote, the right to form political parties, the right to education, the right to a free and fair trial and fair administrative justice, the right to housing, the right to safety and security, the right to private property,
 * These rights are limited in as far as they do not infringe on the rights of others.
 * Some of the rights that should be included are the right to food, the right to work, the right to earn a living wage, the right to education.

In our minds and hearts we knew as the youth of the country that the gallantry of the people of 1961 and onwards is the same gallantry that led to Mandela walking free from Robben Island. We also remembered that the blood that was shed after Mandela’s release, mainly because of the internal and continuous contestations, was the same blood that wrote the Bill of Rights in our Constitution and the same blood that we can safely proclaim through that we are free. But we also remembered that the sections in the Bill of Rights will not be realized if we do not continue with the struggle.

The problem with our transition is that it assumed the same trajectory and path as that of Apartheid. It sought to build freedom of the oppressed on the same foundation that was used to oppress them. The tatters of institutions of Apartheid became the basis within which we can build on a new nation. This foundations and institutions are those of capitalism. As much as Apartheid was inhumane and was based on racial oppression and exclusion, its conditions were made worse because it took the form of capitalism. It was Apartheid capitalism.

Some may argue that this is pessimism. They may argue that the constitution guarantees a set of rights. They may argue that 2007 is better than 1994, and that 1994 was better than 1948. Some may reiterate the gains which we have garnered since then, 1 million people having access to houses, more than 1 million young people having access to education, no one being allowed to carry passes around, everyone free to choose where they want to work, access to health care, sanitation, Black Economic Empowerment and many other gains that we have garnered. This should not be undermined. Our parliamentary and constitutional democracy should not be undermined. They create a better condition for our freedom to flourish.

However, and this is a big however, all of these gains that were delivered by popular democracy are daily robbed by the capitalist regime and economy. Some of the gains that were ushered by the new dispensation are basic Human Rights which are taken daily by the capitalist economic system, leading to people taking for granted the 1994. For them, as long as they get a house and it is taken away by the municipality because they do not have rent makes 1994 just another date. For them, as long as they have the right to work but the capitalists have the right to retrench, 1994 remains just another date. For them, as long as they have the right to own property but all the property that is there is already in the hands of the rich, 1994 remains just another date.


 * Editorial Notes!**

Apology to our readers, this issue was supposed to appear two weeks back. We missed the deadline because of the visit by the National Secretary to Botswana and our inability to send this edition to the readers and post it on the site then. Thank you for your indulgence.