Relation+of+working+class+to+state+power,+Mohubetswane+Alex+Mashilo


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The historical experience of subjugated peoples everywhere and our own experience have shown that the ruling class or block, whether emerging or emerged, will never relinquish power of its own accord.**

(Mohubetswane Alex Mashilo is NUMSA FTSS, member of political partners to the tripartite alliance and their youth wings. This article was written by Thursday January 11 2007 as a contribution to deliberations in SACP Mamelodi Branch Communist School. The views contained herein are not necessarily either of the organisations or fixed.)


 * Introduction:**

"As a matter of fact, Engels speaks here of the proletariat revolution 'abolishing' the //bourgeois// state, while the words about the state withering away refer to the remnants of the //proletarian// state //after// the socialist revolution. According to Engels, the bourgeois state does not 'wither away', but is 'abolished' by the proletariat in the course of the revolution. What withers away after this revolution is the proletarian state or semi-state." (Vladimir Lenin, State and Revolution)

What should be the relation of the South African Communist Party (SACP) to State power? Is this question correctly phrased or posed? What should be the relation of the working class to State power and, in the context of such a relation, what then should be role of the SACP in its position as a political vanguard and the leading political force of the working class? Is this one the question our discussion should actually focus on? Arguing within the logic of the later, this paper makes a general overview of the position of the working class and its historic mission – the struggle for socialist revolution, particular aspects of the struggle for the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) and the present South African State.


 * The position of the working class:**

Wherever the bourgeoisie system is dominant or in place, it is inseparable from exploitation, which is its source for accumulation through the appropriation of surplus value from (wage) labour. In addition, by virtue of its economic supremacy the bourgeoisie has conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, extensive political sway. This is in a variety of ways, including through imperialism, domination of nation-states by other nation-states, which have themselves been captured by the bourgeoisie and in whose interests are their policies and deeds. Thus the whole population of the working class and the poor is subjected to conditions that are largely the products of bourgeoisie rule as an outcome of a struggle (class) between the forces of social change.

In South Africa, the working class and the poor have as their majority blacks in general and Africans in particular and whereas in essence, working class exploitation by the bourgeoisie is no different. This is regardless of whether the bourgeoisie is black or white, or black and white, or multinational. It is however also notwithstanding the special privileges the white working class had during the rule of Colonialism of a Special Type (CST) or otherwise of the rule of apartheid, some remnants of which are still in existence, varying in accordance with circumstances.

A suggestion that the working class should conduct its class struggles only against the white monopoly capital stands to be seriously defective in the context but not limited to the above conditions. Conditions of the class content of the national struggle and national context of the class struggle in addition require to be taken into consideration. Moreover are conditions of national objectives for building a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society which obviously make such a suggestion un-South African and extremely defective.

In reality, if the working class of South Africa considers setting itself free ultimately, it must intensify class struggles against the bourgeoisie as a whole, regardless of its race or country of origin. This requires unity, cohesion and organisation of the working class in all spheres of our society. In addition, all the elements for struggle should have a logical connection to the long term objectives for deepening democracy, achieving complete liberation and freedom, socialism and ultimately communism. Strategic and tactical alliances should not translate to the working class abandoning its historic mission. While avoiding sectarianism within such, the working class should strive to make maximum gains. Otherwise its interests stand to be swamped by the interests of the other social forces.

In fact, the working class struggle is, most importantly, an international struggle. While carried out against the existing undesirable order of things of the whole bourgeoisie relations (for example: concentration in the hands of a few of resources for the production of the means to support human life and to carryout development; economic exploitation political domination of many by a few; social injustices; crime and corruption; inequality; lack of access to basic services like free quality health care and education; etc and etc), in addition to adequate comprehension of realities in the local situation it must be guided from the standpoint of understanding realities in international situation and their impact over the local situation.

Nevertheless, a political party which acts in the interests of the working class and which regards itself as a vanguard of the working class must everywhere in struggle, among others place to the front as the leading question property relations in favour of the working class, no matter their degree of development.

The historical experience of subjugated peoples everywhere and our own experience have shown that the ruling class will never relinquish power of its own accord. The leading formations of the working class must refuse to be intimidated and therefore must act in opposition against any postponement of a part or whole of the working class struggle. At the same time, these formations must guard against subjectivism and all its tendencies, including emphasis of a vision over objective realities. Rightful positions of matters of strategy and tactics must be central in the cause of working class struggles. Notwithstanding the reality that capitalism is its own grave digger, without guided struggles for a socialist revolution, nowhere will it voluntarily happen for the working class and the poor to achieve social emancipation. And without social emancipation no liberation and freedom can be complete.

Disciplined formations of the working class, particularly its political vanguard, with and for the workers and the poor, must struggle to build elements of and momentum towards socialism within the unfolding context. This will not only be in opposition against the whole bourgeoisie relations. It will also be in advancing an alternative development. No criticising of the system of capitalism, without pointing out and advancing an alternative, contains any seriousness or worthiness with respect to alteration of undesirable concrete conditions. This is notwithstanding the fact that the development of socialist relations, which will bring an end to the system of economic exploitation, mainly and ultimately requires the winning of State power by the working class, in alliance with other progressive elements among the people. And that the working class, by use of State power, then must set out to eliminate exploitation by advancing and achieving public ownership and democratic control of the means of production.

All of these require means and ways of quantitative actions of struggle, a sum of which lead to a revolutionary qualitative change. It is therefore logical in the circumstances, at least to a reasonable person, to understand that side by side with the main struggle objective for the winning of State power by the working class, a programme for building elements of and momentum towards socialism within the unfolding context is necessary.

There is no such a thing as "class consciousness can only be built by means of politicking and political education through presentations and workshops". There is also no such a thing as "education, especially theory, can be valid without accompanied by practice". The leading formations of the working class must advance the winning of hegemony in every sphere within society. This requires not only education to raise working class consciousness. Active struggles and campaigning on the ground and in all forms of media where ideological battles take place or where development is expected should become consistent, too among others just to state one point.

The SACP and other organisations that call for and support structural changes in property relations are correct, more so especially with struggles for building, developing and fighting for public property and its rightful place in our society. These must be intensified through increasing action. The idea of rights only to private property must be fought against and in fact just abolished.

Public property is the most reliable and sustainable pillar for meeting the development needs of the working class and the poor. Expansion of State ownership and the development of co-operatives are among the central important tasks in the direction for the socialisation and democratisation in property relations. It is in this context that a movement towards the implementation of the lines of the Freedom Charter, in respect of the transfer of property to a people as a whole must be one of the significant questions that occupy the centre stage in the historical period underway.


 * NDR:**

Although the struggle of the NDR has been taking place long before, the crafting of the Freedom Charter in 1955 furnished its fundamental programme.

Up until 1994, the objectives of NDR involved but not limited to, the liberation of the oppressed people out of the apartheid and colonial regime and imperialism, and therefore the immediate task of overthrowing the apartheid colonial State. The 1994 democratic breakthrough marked the defeat of apartheid and colonialism, which are however not yet overcome whereas on the other hand imperialism is at one of its heights even in history of mankind. If imperialism is not the most oppressive instrument it is one to the most oppressive instruments. For so long as it exists and exerts impact human justice, liberation and freedom will remain in trouble.

In the present period, the objectives of the NDR involve but not limited to, the same historic mission, that is, liberation of historically oppressed people and liberation from imperialism. These require the tasks of progressively destroying the heritage of all forms of national and social inequality in order to overcome apartheid and colonialism, and of combat against imperialism in order to lead human justice, liberation and freedom to complete achievement.

At the same time, required of the NDR is the reconstruction and development of our country in the interests of the overwhelming majority, that is, black people in general, Africans in particular, all democratic people and the working class as a whole without any form of prejudice based on any arbitrary grounds such as race, gender, and the like. Located in this context is democratisation of our society and its forms of organisation. Among others, for critical examples, these comprise of the economy as the base and the superstructures – social, ideological, political including specifically, the State, and etc. In the very context the NDR must also and critically advance transformation and the creation of united, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous society while implementing material changes that will improve the standards of living of the people in order to accomplish a better life for all on a sustainable basis.

The logical completion of the implementation of the NDR requires a clear distinction between appearance and essence. The replacement of white exploiters by black exploiters, or the integration of black exploiters into the white exploiters will vary the racial appearance in economic, also social, political and other relations while exploitation will remain constant or will increase in magnitude. Intra-group inequality will also vary, with a few rising to the top in the present capitalist gradation of our society, while the majority, tens of millions will remain at the bottom and subject to the hardships of unemployment, wage-labour, poverty, etc, and etc.

While addressing the race and gender contradictions is of critical significance. Until structural changes are effected into the property relations, a primary contradiction in the form of class exploitation and class domination will remain intact. Class exploitation and class domination, especially of the minority over the majority constitute formidable constrains to democracy, to the elimination of inequality and to the achievement of a better life for all on a sustainable basis. On how to deal with some of these conditions the Green Book held as follows, which was correct under the circumstances and remains relevant when adjusted to the present situation:

//“The seizure of power by the people must be understood not only by us but also by the masses as the beginning of the process in which the instruments of state will be used to progressively destroy the heritage of all forms of national and social inequality. To postpone advocacy of this perspective until the first stage of democratic power has been achieved is to risk dominance within our revolution by purely nationalist forces which may see themselves as replacing the white exploiters at the time of the people's victory.”//

In the economy, the NDR must not be misconstrued therefore to be limited to de-racialisation of ownership while leaving the structural fault in place. The economy needs to be democratised, primarily ownership, control, management and active participation. This must be in such a way that it will eventually be rid off of its sources of inequality and an ever widening gap between the rich and the poor. Democratisation, liberation and freedom must be pursuit with no isolation from their dialectical interrelationship while at the same time their achievement is also dependent upon the extermination of the sources of oppression.

The consensus that the working class, which has its majority in our country as Black people in general and Africans in particular is the main motive force of the NDR must be asserted in the programme for economic transformation. This should not just be through, among others transformation in labour legislation and the need for delivery in basic social services, which are acceptable in any way. Significantly, by direct relationship to ownership of the means of production the consensus that the working class is the main motive force of the NDR will be asserted.

In that regard the SACP should give leadership how to pursue worker ownership and control in the economy even within the context of the dominant economic relations as supposedly a better alternative than the empowerment of a private few owners. This will be in addition and compliment to Skills Development and Employment Equity, which alone, without direct working class relationship to ownership of the means of production will not be sufficient in broadening economic empowerment of the historically disadvantaged. It will also be in addition and compliment to expansion and development of public property and the development of a growing and sustainable cooperative sector.

The Freedom charter, which embodies the type of society the NDR must achieve, makes no omission to the structural changes in the property relations. To this end the Charter, at least identifies industries that must be transformed and transferred to a people as a whole. However, this must be advanced in full view of the prevailing conditions, not just of South Africa, but also of the international situation and its impact over South Africa.

The question of Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) turning out to become Black Based Bourgeoisie Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) should be guard against. This is inasmuch as the prevention of economic transformation to be narrowed to Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment.

In fact, by the implementation of practical actions, through struggles or whatever means necessary, to achieve the lines of the Freedom Charter the NDR will lay the basis for, socialism, but which will not be obvious without associated struggles.

Having the observations of the last twelve years of democracy, in particular the setbacks suffered by the working class and notwithstanding achievements gained, struggle conditions require the working class to display its position as the NDR’s main motive force. Among other things, to emphasise one more, this requires extensive class and political consciousness, education, organising, active campaigning on the ground, mobilisation and practical steps for a movement towards the achievement of the lines of the Freedom Charter. The working class must carryout role in protecting its future interests. To further emphasise, this demands measures to advance building blocks of such interests from within the current context, guided by objective realities, permutation of possibilities, constraints and potential dangers.


 * The State and the revolutionary alliance:**

The 1994 democratic breakthrough marked the defeat of the apartheid colonial State and the beginning of a process for its extermination and in its stead the construction of a democratic State.

Thus far the present State reflects transformation from the old State to the desired State, with much still having to be done.

South Africa has now established, relative to pre 1994 period but as well as many other existing nation-states, as part of the State a legitimate government based on a constitution democratically agreed upon. This was of course under conditions of a complex balance of forces within which the very present South African State also emerged. The apartheid regime could no longer rule in the old way, and the ANC-led liberation movement, while generally growing in strength, was still far from being able to decisively achieve victory. The apartheid regime contained a significant strategic advantage in its armed repressive capacity. While the domestic balance of forces generally shifted favourably for the liberation forces in the second half of the 1980s and early 1990s, the international generally moved in an otherwise direction.

Thus the present constitution is in part a product of concessions, which in the process of our revolution will still require to be addressed. However this constitution reflects the centre of the doctrines that should command operations within State institutions and branches. While it is the supreme base of the existing legal framework and has precedence over any element, the process of troubleshooting and overhauling all the pieces and particles of the legal framework of the legacy of apartheid and colonialism "is not necessarily complete". On the other hand, this process is expected to develop further in accordance with the developments of struggles of our revolution towards complete liberation and freedom.

With respect to political institutions and branches of the State, in the place of the old representative political institutions designed along lines of separate development, national and gender oppression, now are different representative political institutions streamlined in three spheres, namely, national, provincial and local. These are designed along lines of unity, non-racialism, non-sexism and democracy, for prosperity. Within this institutional landscape at respective levels are parliament, provincial legislatures and local councils. Each of these has related structures and or committees or etc, with democratic rules and procedures, which are, corresponding with the level of development of our democracy.

While there are general and local government elections held periodically to elect public representatives, the electoral system, especially at provincial and national spheres is exclusively or mainly proportional and party based. This expressly stipulates that public representatives are not directly elected. The electorate vote for political parties, which determine their public representatives according to votes received and internal policies. The president, who appoints the executive or cabinet, is not directly elected by the general electorate but is elected by parliament, constituted as it is in the principle of party based proportional representation. At the provincial level, the premiers, who appoint respective provincial executives are also elected in the same system. At the local level the electoral system combines directly elected ward councillors and party based proportional representatives. The mayors, who appoint mayoral committees, are elected by councils.

Under conditions of the above, particularly proportional system, freedom of association and the right for everyone to stand for public representation, both of which are enshrined in the constitution, are subjected to limitations. In addition, the principle of the people shall govern, is also subjected to limitations. Among others this could be to the extent of the accountability gap by public representatives directly to the electorate and or lack of consultation directly with the electorate for mandates on an ongoing basis, especially over emerging contexts. The relationship of participatory, people driven democracy requires a positive elaboration in but not limited to these areas.

On the site of the judiciary, some reorganisation has taken place. The current State reflects contradictions in this site between the old and the new landscapes, otherwise an interpenetration of the two, each with its own effects. As far as race and gender are concerned, and too, ideological grounding as it may not be exonerated from application of any doctrine, much transformation is required in favour of a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society and its systems.

There is a need in the judiciary for objective doctrines to be intensified inasmuch as in the legal framework. While being in favour of a people as a whole, this must reflect the sway of in particular the overwhelming majority, the workers and the poor – the social forces that fought for change and that pursue democratic social transformation. In the like manner, access to the judiciary systems and all its avenues of appeal must be sorted out. Otherwise a risk to continue a skewed access in favour of a fewer rich at the imbalance of the whole population, thereby compromising justice, is inevitable. This is not however, to neglect already existing support systems for the poor. It is a matter that relates to the fundamental question of justice, and how it is to be realised.

Within other instruments of the State such as the army, some security branches and the police, just like in the judiciary, there are still remnants, in varying extents and in some cases more worryingly so, of the elements that were or remain opposed to democratic social transformation.

In the media, almost unfavourable realities exist against our democratic project. Against socialism it is worse. A combination of neo-liberalism and attacks against post 1994 South Africa, at the surface against changed national and gender realities but at the essence against the working class and the poor, are dominant matters.

In other ideological terrains, such as, for example, culture, education and etc. insignificant progress of transformation, imperialism its processes of globalisation will exert almost irreparable damage if unchecked on a consistent basis, particularly at its current height of aggression. Particularly in education, we are still faced with a huge task of transformation of the content of teaching and learning, which is a serious cause of concern while at the same time black people in general and Africans in particular continue to face formal learning in non-mother tongue, which is a deep-rooted barrier. We are also faced with a system, both formal and informal, that has so long taught against the overwhelming majority of a people and their struggles, the struggle for socialism remaining a target worse off. How far is the Freedom Charter's //"aim of education shall be to teach the youth to love their people and their culture…"//?

In the site of the economy, which, to emphasise, is the base, by and large ownership, control and management resides with a few, domestically dominantly the white monopoly capital joined by a far smaller but increasingly influential strata of the emerging or emerged black capitalists. The majority remain exploited, live in poverty, face the realities of HIV and AIDS, and marginalised. Added to this crisis is imperialist globalisation with a formidable sway almost in all faculties. Foreign ownership in the economy is formidable. In its favour the multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), World Bank (WB), formations such as Group of 8 industrialised countries (G8), imperialist nation-states, and behind all of these, the bourgeoisie, multinational corporations, are vehicles for entrenchment.

In all of the above South Africa needs to build the State capable of manoeuvring and navigating in favour of the overwhelming majority, the workers and the poor in advancing social transformation. In that process a thorough comprehension of dialectical dynamics requires well guided tactical applications, in relations of unity of opposites. Such a State, while being subordinate to a people, especially the working class as whole, the poor and the rural masses rather than superimposed upon them, should be an instrument of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority. It should be their instrument to advancing not only social transformation but also struggles for the revolution of total liberation and freedom from all bondage.

One of the central questions regarding the State is the issue of public resources and their utilisation for social transformation. Democratic forces need to build their capacity to become competent in this faculty. There is a need for consistent and greater consultation, especially among the partners of the ANC-led alliance, and over and above that, a need to work together in all sites of power including in the State.


 * Other views for consideration**

In addition to proposals that might have been made in the course of this paper, the following are also put forward for further considerations.

1. There needs to be discussions on the electoral system of our country, at least to the extent that matters relating the incorporation of direct elections of all public representatives will be concluded with policy positions.

Such policy positions should elaborate the weaknesses and strengths of constituency based electoral system. For example, to what extent will it be able to advance integration of the leadership of the population under conditions of a still racially divided inhabitation of residential places, townships, suburbs, rural areas and so on?

Within the scope of the policy positions concerned, there also needs to be a thorough articulation of the strengths and other weaknesses of the purely proportional representation system including in the context of a floor crossing legislation.

Of significant importance in this area is to explain the rational of either retaining the present system or effecting changes into it. Required too is the elaboration of the relations of accountability and within its context and that of consultation by public representatives, then the elaboration of irrevocable powers of the people including powers of irrevocable recall to the representatives.

2. The "federalist dynamics" associated with provinces should be assessed against the need to deepen the consolidation of a unitary, people-centred democratic State.

3. The alliance should re-look at its organisation so that it has organisational presence in the representative State institutions such as councils, provincial legislatures, parliament and related branches, as well as respective executives, and in other branches and institutions of the State. This requires a frank consideration along lines of our alliance’s two political formations, namely, the ANC and the SACP. Interrelated to this is the task and responsibility of building a strong alliance and contesting "counter-revolutionary" ideologies through the diverse revolutionary ideologies that our movement and the alliance contain.

4. The SACP should find a way of building, by training, practice, other necessary means and ways, a class conscious cadre, who will qualify through any available routes, including deployment, to make a desirable impact in our society and in the institutions and arms of the State, for example in the defence and security branches, the judiciary, the executive/s, administration or bureaucracy whatsoever and parliament/legislations, mass organisation and so on. This requires to be complemented by access to and utilisation of human resources development. 5. The question of determining the State presidential candidate should be opened for discussions, with the role of all alliance partners frankly enquired and elaborated.

6. In the light of dealing with the risks and challenges of corruption, and in the interests of effective public representation, matters relating to the involvement in business by State officials or public representatives must be subject to scrutiny and effective policy regulations.

7. The SACP should define its role in the question of the relation of the working class to State power among others broadly in the following way, which is articulated in the Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848:

//"…the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy.// //The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State, that is, of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.// //Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production. These measures will, of course, be different in different countries."//

Tactical matters relating to the parliamentary strategy of the SACP the organisation, important as could be under circumstances, should not as if were the only overwhelm the actual historic mission of the working class.

8. As for communist cadres, they must devote their organisational time to building a strong SACP while executing their activism in the society where practicably possible, including in the ANC, COSATU, SANCO, and in other organs of the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM).

In any of the mass formations where communist cadres are involved, the constitution of the SACP is clear on the expected conduct. For example it reads as follows (6.4):

//"Members active in fraternal organisations or in any sector of the mass movement have a duty to set an example of loyalty, hard work and zeal in the performance of their duties and shall be bound by the discipline and decisions of such organisations and movement. They shall not create or participate in SACP caucuses within such organisations and movements designed to influence either elections or policies. The advocacy of SACP policy on any question relating to the internal affairs of any such organisations or movements shall be by open public statements or at joint meetings between representatives of the SACP and such organisations or movements."//