When+the+moment+of+decisiveness+comes

=When the moment of decisiveness comes, postponing action becomes a crime against the people!=


 * PUDEMO President – Mario Masuku’s input at the CHI-SSN Seminar in Johannesburg, 10th November, 2006**

//Dearest Alliance partners, our most reliable friends of all times,// //Distinguished guests and members of the diplomatic corps,// //Fraternal organisations,// //Esteemed media practitioners,//

Comrades and compatriots,


 * Introduction**

On behalf of the oppressed and struggling masses of Swaziland and their political leadership for change, PUDEMO, we wish to extend a warm welcome to all of you present today.

The urgency imposed by the conditions we face in our country sometimes make the task of fulfilling all protocol, a cumbersome one, yet under normal circumstances, it should be such a wonderful human gesture.

We take this rare opportunity to extend a warm welcome to all of you and thank you for honouring this important session, which is about the lives of ordinary people in Swaziland and their yearning for freedom.

We also wish to sincerely appreciate the Chris Hani Institute for its consistency in creating platforms for the people of South Africa and the world to debate the issue of Swaziland in collaboration with our friends of the Swaziland Solidarity Network, which has earned itself the wrath of the Mswati regime.


 * The task ahead**

As PUDEMO we have not come to speak, but rather to listen. We hope to benefit from the experiences of our dearest friends from the South African alliance as regards their own struggles and what are the challenges anybody in struggle should expect, in doing so, however, we also seek to share our own experiences for the benefit of others.

The NEC of PUDEMO has commissioned a discussion paper to assist our on-coming 6th General Congress taking place in December, 2006. The paper titled, the Road map to a new and democratic Swaziland, is an attempt to generate deeper thinking about the future of our country and how best to overcome the system of royal oppression and transform our country into a united and truly democratic one.

In the words of the document, “In the recent period we have confronted the evil system of tinkhundla on a scale unheard of before. In resolute action we have made the tinkhundla system unworkable and smashed its oppressive institutions in the schools, townships, churches, cultural and sports institutions, workplaces, university and other institutions of learning, as well as in rural areas where our people have evolved elementary organs of people’s power. We continue to engage in mass struggles around issues affecting the people despite intensified tinkhundla brutality.”

This is what explains why some of our comrades were shot by police recently, why the university has been in turmoil until recently, why almost all colleges are in crisis with daily marches, why workers have had so many marches these few days, why the rural and landless masses are up in arms in defence over their land, why the SWAYOCO rally and several PUDEMO marches have been put down so brutally to the point of shooting several comrades, and finally, why the 16 treason trialists held a march just last week to demand a speedy trial for their case, and the list goes on.

It is within this context that we must seriously consider the following issues; building alliances, response to intensified state violence, conditions for negotiations, character of the constitutional process, the question of tinkhundla isolation and the transitional process in general

The following **prime tasks** are identified as very critical to decisive advance on the Swazi front, hence their centrality;


 * Building PUDEMO’s political capacity to organise, mobilise and lead the masses


 * Building and sustaining institutions of democratic governance and social transformation to create a new culture of mass participation in public life and respect for human dignity at all levels of our society


 * Building an economy that serves the needs of the people through growth and redistribution to improve the quality of life of our people and promote the ideals of human dignity


 * Democratising traditional leadership and the institution of the monarchy to be compatible with the democratic aspirations of our people and the foundation of the new society we are striving to build


 * Actively participate in building an international solidarity movement for democracy and sovereign development in Swaziland and the whole of Africa and for justice in global governance.


 * The Road map – a beacon of hope for a better Swaziland**

As the struggle for democracy in Swaziland heightens, debates about clear alternatives and practical solutions to the problems we face cease to be academic and general. We are called upon to provide concrete solutions to real problems. Therefore, the Road map is an attempt to move in that direction, without claiming to be a solution //par excellence//. It is structured as follows;

Other than general overviews, brief analysis and reflections on the situation on the ground, as well as mechanisms to ensure sustained and structured implementation, there are two sections of the documents, and these are;
 * The Strategic Liberation Plan
 * The Democratic Governance and Social Transformation Plan

These two are the heart of what this document is supposed to be about. The Strategic Liberation Plan is about how best to defeat the oppressive tinkhundla system and achieve a truly democratic Swaziland, while the Democratic Governance and Social Transformation Plan is about the policy foundations of a democratic Swaziland and how best to advance the objective of improving the lives of the poor people of Swaziland through a sustained growth and development strategy.

However, we must instantly point out, even before we create huge expectations, that as regards the Democratic Governance and Social Transformation Plan, we have only thrown provocative issues to generate a deeper discussion. We realized that this is the most sensitive and strategic area that requires extra caution and more research.

This is why we seek to establish a **Special Commission on Democratic Governance and Social transformation** to deal with the research and policy development process properly after which a clear policy framework shall be adopted by Special Conference on the imperative of policy alternatives and democratization of state institutions, particularly as regards building an economy that is growing and benefits the broad majority of our people and create jobs, central to which shall be poverty eradication, as well as ensuring a properly functional health and education system that meets the needs of our society.

Meanwhile, the programme pays greater attention to the current phase of our struggle, which is about the need for intensified struggle on the ground, if tinkhundla oppression is to be defeated. The commitment to real change is mere academic jargon if we have no solid organization, political capacity and absolute clarity about the tasks ahead. Any struggle is equal to the capacity of its forces.


 * Fundamental perspectives of the Programme**


 * **On negotiations**

“We believe that conditions in Swaziland today exist which allow, if there is a demonstrable will on the part of the tinkhundla regime to engage in meaningful negotiations honestly and seriously, for the possibility to end the tinkhundla system and the permanent crisis it has plunged the whole country into, through negotiations. Such a consideration would be in the best interest of the country and its people, as has always been our long-standing preference since 1983 when PUDEMO was born”, in the words of the Road map programme.

Supported by the rest of the world, we firmly believe that it is very important that, before any meaningful negotiations can take place, the necessary climate for such a serious process be created. The tinkhundla regime has the urgent responsibility to ensure that the climate for genuine dialogue and serious negotiations is created and sustained. In particular, the issue of building faith in the process through decisive interventions, is paramount.

The removal of all laws that prohibit free political activity and the un-banning of political parties in Swaziland is very central to any meaningful solution to the crisis we face at the moment.


 * **On a new and democratic constitution**

We have continued to maintain that the solution to the problems facing Swaziland will not be resolved by half-hearted attempts to window-dress and not confront the real problem. The royal family cannot write a constitution for the people under conditions of extreme political repression, police brutality and intensified attacks on the rights of people to organize and express their opinions.

In this regard, the document states that, “We must try to ensure that society as a whole makes a meaningful impact on the process of drawing up the constitution so that the fundamental law that will be the end product is accepted by the overwhelming majority of our population as the basic framework regulating the governing of our country”

By refusing to be bullied into acceptance of the enemy’s fraudulent constitutional schemes, we reaffirmed our determination to defend the integrity of the Swazi people in pursuit of a common victory against a common enemy. We are re-asserting, as we have done on several occasions**,** the truth that freedom is indivisible, that democracy for some is democracy for none, and hence, that no section of the people can be free while another is oppressed**.**

In this sense, the royal family and their friends cannot continue to enjoy a life of extreme luxury and limitless possibilities while the majority of us face dehumanising conditions of poverty, social destitution and political brutality as our daily experience and common occurrence.

Conditions in the country have matured to a point where a co-optive form of power-sharing is on the tinkhundla regime’s agenda as a result of the pressure exerted by mass struggle. The traditional aristocracy is seeking to hammer out some absolute monarchical constitutional framework based on the so-called “tinkhundla democracy” or “unique and home-brewed democracy”, which conflict with the universal principles of democracy. Through this framework, the regime hopes to engage us on its own terms by setting the parameters of participation and pre-determining the ultimate outcome of that engagement. In this sense, the final product shall be the royal version of democracy, one which guarantees that the basis of tinkhundla privilege remains intact.

Therefore, to the extent to which it is necessary, the constitution should also reflect internationally acceptable norms to bring our country into the mainstream of the most progressive traditions that humanity as whole has evolved


 * In this regard, We reiterate our demands;**


 * A democratically elected constitutional forum to write the country’s supreme document and not hand-picked royal puppets
 * The unconditional and immediate un-banning of political parties and cessation of all political hostilities for the return of all exiles
 * An immediate end to the arbitrary arrests, intensified police brutality, state monopoly on media, kangaroo justice system and persecution of political activists
 * Business should stop collaborating and supporting the suffering of our people, by backing the tinkhundla regime.
 * International isolation of the tinkhundla regime from all international forums and imposition of smart sanctions


 * **On mass struggle and intensified mobilization**

We have affirmed our fundamental belief that there can be no democratic victory or even advance without mass struggle. Further, this requires strong organization on the ground to sustain popular mobilization even under such conditions of extreme brutality. The affirmation of our mass mobilization programme and the need for intensified international solidarity work, is critical.


 * **On the issue of unity of the progressive forces**

Strong emphasis is put on the need to maximize the unity of the progressive forces and the ultimate creation of a national democratic front as the basis for a common platform against a common enemy. This has been clearly elaborated by all previous documents of the movement and need re-affirmation as the one of mass mobilisation.


 * What is the struggle fundamentally about;**


 * Democratisation of all spheres of our society, particularly the state and its institutions. The clear intention of this objective is to promote and deepen the culture of democracy, accountability and transparency, as well as mass participation at all levels of our society and fight the cancerous corruption of the royal family regime


 * Transformation of economic and land ownership patterns which constitute the material basis of tinkhundla power and are central to dismantling tinkhundla monopoly over the country’s wealth and power for the effective empowerment of the working and rural poor majority


 * To restore the meaning and essence of being Swazi as related to dignity and freedom, so as to instill in our people a feeling of confidence as full human beings and not see themselves as caricatures of the royal family or define themselves as second class citizens or objects of royal exploitation, which is the tinkhundla version of being Swazi. In this regard, we are first and foremost, human beings and aspire to the highest ideals of the human race, the most civilized and progressive traditions that humanity as a whole has so far been able to develop and the most supreme values governing human relations. In this sense, our uniqueness should not be a divergence from these basic values, but rather a complement and contribution to the essence of human dignity in its universal context. Transformation of social relations is key to real change.


 * Central to all our liberation efforts is the struggle to dismantle gender and class inequalities, which are at the heart of tinkhundla political architecture and design. The liberation of women and the poor in general is the main indicator of the extent to which our agenda to defeat the legacy of tinkhundla shall have succeeded in improving the conditions of life for the majority.


 * Finally, this means we seek to reclaim our national heritage and resources, cultural pride and promote social co-operation and solidarity amongst the people to overcome the divisions of tinkhundla tribalism, which makes slavery and inequalities an acceptable way of life in society


 * Conclusion**

As we summarise our input, we would never dare make the mistake of not acknowledging the reliability and demonstrable commitment of our friends in the alliance, that is the SACP, COSATU and the ANC with their youth leagues. They have stood beside us during the most difficult times and refused to be intimidated by tribalistic threats by Mswati’s regime.

International solidarity is not a foreign language to all of you dear comrades, but a very central part of your own life and struggle for all these years, therefore, we know that in you, we have solid and reliable friends and compatriots who will suffer where we suffer and share with us the pains we experience all the way to a new and democratic Swaziland.

We also call on the South African media to pay more attention to the issues of Swaziland, particularly beyond Mswati’s royal ceremonies, to investigate the real situation of our people and not portray them as objects of tourist interests. They are human beings and have lives and those lives should concern us more than anything else. We do appreciate that in many instances, you have as journalists been very critical in exposing the behaviour of the royal crisis in Swaziland and for that, we appreciate and encourage you further.

We invite everyone to join the voices for justice in Swaziland, because this is part of the movement calling for justice in the world, not least in our own continent, Africa. This is the basic outline of our programme and surely, we shall continue to sharpen its perspectives in order to enhance our political determination to make a difference in Swaziland.

With these few words, we seek to appreciate your interest and understanding and hope you shall be able to enrich our own views and assist us get closer to the new and democratic Swaziland.


 * Thank you.**